PEACE LANKA: The JVP is not making unfair demands:Vijitha Herath

Tuesday, June 26, 2007

The JVP is not making unfair demands:Vijitha Herath

Electoral reforms

By Ayesha Zuhair

There has been long-standing agitation for electoral reforms in the country due to the overarching disenchantment with the prevailing electoral processes. In the JVP’s view, what are the major drawbacks of the current electoral system?

We believe that there is a necessity to amend the present electoral system because of the acute forms of corruption and malpractice that have been fostered by the preferential system of voting. Under this existing system, candidates have to be extremely rich in order to contest, and if not, they have to obtain money by resorting to other devious methods. This is one of the main causes of the high level of corruption that we see in our society today. Furthermore, there is inadequate representation of the different communities in the various elected bodies and the JVP firmly believes that any attempt to reform the current system cater to minority needs as well.

Q:The JVP is insisting that the abolishment of the executive presidency must be part of the reforms package and is opposing the reforms primarily on those grounds. However, the PSC has made it clear that it has no mandate to make such recommendations. Why then does the JVP continue to make such demands?

Yes, we have been insisting that any change to the system must include the abolishment of the executive presidency but the Select Committee is refusing to recognise this very critical factor. They are not even considering it as an issue! We made numerous representations to the Chairman but he has refused to accommodate our demand. It may be his point of view that there is no such mandate, but our view is entirely different. We’re only insisting that there should be a comprehensive change to the system and that is not an unfair demand.

Moreover, the proposed reforms are not favourable to individual political parties. For example, if one party gets around 8% of the total votes, the party can only secure around 5% representation in parliament. That, in our view, is not justifiable. Those are the two main reasons behind our decision to oppose the recommendations made in the interim report.

Q:But would you agree that reforms need to be ultimately favourable to the people of this country, and not necessarily to political parties per se? In other words, shouldn’t political parties be willing to compromise if democracy stands to gain?

We too want better democratic representation for the people of this country. In fact, the present system is favourable to our party but in considering the difficulties it entails and the need for greater democracy, we have stressed on the need for reform. We could have opposed reforms altogether, but we didn’t stand in the way taking into account the larger interest of democracy in this country.

Q:Do you disagree with Minister Dinesh Gunawardena’s assertion that the choice of the voter will be better reflected in parliament?

Yes, we disagree with that completely. One of our main concerns is that the party which has the most number of seats in parliament can obtain executive powers as well. That is not healthy for a democratic set-up. In fact, it seems that the government’s aim is to create a system whereby they will get a very strong majority whilst retaining executive powers.

Q:Are you alleging that the whole exercise is politically motivated?

We think there is a hidden political agenda behind the move to introduce reforms so hurriedly. The SLFP wants to get majority representation in parliament while making full use of the executive presidential powers. Their actual aim seems to be to revert to the kind of administration that we saw under President J. R. Jayewardene.

Q:Even if that’s the case, given that there is a dire need for reform is there no possibility of further engaging the various parties to reach a some sort of a compromise?

We think this issue should be further discussed. These are not the kind of reforms that can be pushed through over night; it requires serious deliberation. The fact that all the opposition parties as well as those who are part of the present administration, are against the proposals show that the majority of people in this country are against the system. Of course there is a need for reform but we can’t give a wrong remedy for that. Without obtaining the consent of all political parties, the government should not table the report in parliament because they will not be able to make any constitutional changes without the required majority.

Q:Even though you say that reforms are being rushed, the PSC has already spent over 1 ½ years of public time discussing this issue to little avail. Don’t you think it’s high time for the Committee to put forward its final report?

No, it is not a waste of time because this is a very important subject which has to be studied in great detail. Those of us in this country waste so much of time on useless pursuits, and such wastage goes unquestioned. But given the importance of this matter, one cannot consider it a waste of time. We should have more meetings in the future, get ideas from experts in the country and formulate a fresh set of proposals. If we submit a new system for the country, it must be better than the past one.

Q:What kind of system does the JVP consider to be the most suitable arrangement for this country?

The JVP has not put forward any system as the ideal one. We feel that all parties in the country have to discuss this issue and arrive at a decision together. As a party, we haven’t recommended any system as the ‘ideal’ one.

In terms of promoting gender equity in elected bodies, does the JVP view the recommendations made in relation to female representation as adequate? For instance, there has been no push to introduce a quota system for females even though many of our Asian neighbours boast of this feature.

We cannot limit the participation of women through the introduction of percentages. That should be left in the hands of the party’s executive committee for decision-making. While I agree that female representation is insufficient, a quota system is not the answer to that. In this context, it must be recognised that women in Sri Lanka are subject to certain social pressures which prevent them from participating in politics and those pressures need to be addressed first. That being said, I must add that recommendations have been made by the Select Committee to include a certain percentage of female nominees, even though there is no specified figure.

In addition, we have seen a trend where most of the women who come forward are the widows or daughters of famous political figures in the country. In my view, that trend should be changed as it is not good for the country. If there is a female who is intelligent and capable, she must be given the necessary backing to contest. It must be noted that our founder leader Rohana Wijeweera’s wife did take to politics. Our emphasis should therefore shift from dynasty to individuality.

Q:The TNA has taken up the principle position that ‘piecemeal approaches’ should not be the way out. Do you agree with their position that electoral reforms have to come as part of a package aimed at resolving the ethnic conflict or do you see it as an urgent necessity?

There is no linkage between the ethnic problem and electoral reforms. I think there must be a hidden agenda behind this. No doubt we have to take into consideration the ethnic distribution of our people, but I don’t think it’s fair to tie it down to a political solution to the ethnic conflict at all. I suppose their plan is to have their own system of elections in the so-called state of Eelam, which is their actual goal.

Q:If there is a reversion to FPP do you think that you would lose your strength in Parliament?

Our party will be strong under any system, so long as elections are held in a free and fair manner. There is nothing for us to be fearful of. In 2004, we joined with the Sri Lanka Freedom Party to form the United People’s Freedom Alliance and canvassed for preferential votes from the people for the first time. It was the JVP which obtained the highest number of preferential votes from all districts.

Q:Leaving aside the JVP, do you think that the present proposals help smaller serving minority interests?

I think minority parties will lose out and that can lead to unwarranted tensions. Minority parties should have the right to express themselves. There are also other some ideologically-oriented parties who don’t have mass appeal but they propound new, very important ideas. If this country is to develop, there must be a chance for new ideas to come in. What we would recommend is the abolishment of the executive presidency and the introduction of reforms that will reflect the actual strength of minority parties and ideologically-driven groups. That is what true democracy is all about.

This is the third in a series of interviews giving voice to diverse viewpoints on the proposed electoral reforms.
From http://www.dailymirror.lk/2007/06/27/opinion/01.asp

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The Muslims of Sri Lanka

A brief history of the Muslims of Sri Lanka Introduction courtesy http://www.islamawareness.net/Asia/SriLanka/sri_lanka.html

Sri Lanka, known to the ancients as Ceylon, has been recorded in history books as a country that has had many visitations from foreign travellers throughout the ages. The people are mainly Buddhist, with a complex mixture of Hindus, Muslims, Roman Catholics and other Christian denominations. The main race are the Sinhalese while the Tamils, Muslims and Burghers (Anglo-Sri Lankans) form the remaining. The Muslims of Sri Lanka are a very small minority amounting to approximately 10% of a total population of 16 Million people. They claim descendancy from the Arab traders, who made Sri Lanka their home even before the advent of Islam. The Tamils comprise around 25% of the population.

Sri Lankan Muslims can be categorized into two distinct sub groups, the Moors and the Malays. The former is the name given to them by the Portuguese colonial rulers who used the word Moros to identify Arabs in general. The Malays are a group of Muslims who originated from Java and the Malaysian Peninsula. They differed from the Moors, both, in their physical appearance as well as in the language they spoke which was a mixture of Malay and local dialects.

The Muslims of Sri Lanka have a colorful history behind them punctuated by a long spell of hardship suffered during the Portuguese and Dutch ocupation of the Island. It is much to their credit that they withstood the onslaught of economic constraints, political intrigues and religious persecution to stay behind and survive. Most other peoples may have packed their bags and left for good. They not only saved their religion from the Christian enemies but also rebuilt the economy, slowly and steadily, by the 18th century when the British took over control of the island from the Dutch.

Being geographically isolated from the main centers of Islamic culture and civilization the Muslims of Sri Lanka were forced to interact closely with their neighbours, the Muslims of South India, in order to preserve their identity. Had they been denied this slender link, it is possible that, they may have lost their distinct Islamic character completely. However, it must be observed that this link has also caused many Indian (Hindu) traditions and rituals to creep into their culture and life style, some of which, even though vehemently anti-Islamic, are still practised to date. Lack of a correct understanding of the teachings of Islam has been the main cause of this sad situation. Having adapted to the local conditions in various ways and also contributing largely to the Islands economic prosperity, the Muslim community of Sri Lanka, unlike the Hindu Tamils of the Northern Province, has saved itself from any major clash with the indigenous Sinhalese population. They have also been able to receive a fair share in the countrs Politics and Administration by virtue of their hard work and also of being an important minority whose support has been vital to all the political groups in the country. Although it may be said that the Muslim community was not politically dominant at any stage, yet, it is certainly true that they manouvered their political activity without much noise, unlike the Tamils. This work attempts to present a brief

history of the Muslims of Sri lanka from their early Arab trader beginnings to the present day minority community that is fully integrated into the Sri Lankan society.

Historical Background Sri Lanka (previously known as Ceylon) lies of the south-east of the Indian state of Tamil Nadu. The pear shaped island, often referred to as the pearl of the east is separated from mainland India by a narrow strip of water called the Palk Straits. Being in such close proximity to and having such easy access from India, it might be expected that Sri Lanka received a large number of migrants from its neighbour from pre-historic times. The original inhabitants of the island are believd to be an aboriginal tribe called the Veddahs. The Sinhalese, presently the majority community, are supposed to be the descendants of the colonists, led by Vijaya, from the valley of the Ganges who settled in the island around the 6th century B.C. Sinhala, the language of the Sinhalese, is an Aryan language, closely related to Pali. Buddhism was introduced to Sri Lanka during the reign of King Devanampiya Tissa during the period 307-267 B.C. Trade relations between India and Sri Lanka are traced to the 3rd century B.C. Historians have not been able to pin-point the actual date of establishment of Tamil settlements in Sri Lanka. However, during the 3rd century B.C. a Tamil General, Elara, set up a Tamil Kingdom at Anuradhapura, in the North Central Province, and ruled there for 44 years. He earned a reputation for his just and impartial administration among the Sinhalese and Tamils and was thus called Elara the Just.

The strategic location of the island, in the Indian Ocean, together with some of the coveted goods it produced, resulted in a fair degree of foreign trade even from ancient times. The Romans discovered the commercial value of Sri Lanka in the first century A.D. and the island was visited by Greeks, Romans, Persians, Arabs, and Chinese traders. Sri Lankas trade offering included Cinnamon, which grew wild in the forests of the wet zone, precious stones, pearls, elephants and ivory.

While most of the traders were only visitors to the island, who made their fortunes and left, it was the Arabs who settled down, making Ceylon their home. Furthermore as the Muslims of Sri lanka claim their desecndancy from the Arabs it is imprtant to look at the information available on the advent of the Arabs to the island.

The Arabs: The Tamils of Sri Lanka, throughout history, have attempted to categorize the Sri Lankan Muslims as belonging to the Tamil race. This has been mainly for selfish reasons in a bid to eliminate the minority Muslim community from having its own unique identity. The Government of Sri Lanka, however, treats the Muslims as of Arab origin and as a distinct ethnic group from the Tamils.

Fr. S.G. Perera in his book -History of Ceylon for Schools- Vol. 1. The Portuguese and Dutch Periods, (1505-1796), Colombo (1955), The Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd., p 16, writes,

-The first mention of Arabs in Ceylon appears to be in the Mahavansa (Ancient Sri Lankan history) account of the reign of the King Pandukabhaya, where it is stated that this king set apart land for the Yonas (Muslims) at Anuradhapura-

With the decline of the Roman Empire in the 3rd century A.D., Roman trade also died out and the Arabs and Persians filled up the vacuum; engaging in a rapidly growing inter-coastal trade. After the conquest of Persia (Iran), Syria and Egypt, the Arabs controlled all the important ports and trading stations between East and West. It is estimated that the Arabs had settled in Sri Lanka and Sumatra by the 1st century A.D. K.M. De Silvas, Historical Survey, Sri Lanka - A Survey, London (1977), C. Hurst & Co. Ltd., p 50, states, -by about the 8th century A.D., the Arabs had formed colonies at the important ports of India, Ceylon and the East Indies. The presence of the Arabs at the ports of Ceylon is attested to by at least three inscriptions discovered at Colombo, Trincomalee and the island of Puliantivu-

The manner in which Islam developed in Sri lanka is very closely similar to that on the Malabar coast of India. Tradition has recorded that Arabs who had settled down on the Malabar coast used to travel from the port of Cranganore to Sri lanka on piligrimage to pay homage to what they believed to be the foot-print of Adam on the top of a montain, which, until today, is called Adams Peak.

Ibn Batuta, the famous 14th. century Arab traveller, has recorded many facets about early Arab influence in Sri lanka in his travelogues.

Before the end of the 7th. century, a colony of Muslim merchants had established themselves in Ceylon. Fascinated by the scenic splendour and captivated by the traditions associated with Adams Peak, Muslim merchants arrived in large numbers and some of them decided to settle in the island encouraged by the cordial treatement they received by the local rulers. Most of them lived along the coastal areas in peace and prosperity, maintaining contacts, both cultural and commercial, with Baghdad and other Islamic cities.

According to Tikiri Abeyasinghe in his Portuguese Rule in Ceylon, 1594-1612, Colombo (1966), Lake House Investments Ltd., p 192, tradition has it that,

-the first Mohammadans of Ceylon were a portion of those Arabs of the House of Hashim, who were driven from Arabia in the early part of the 8th. century by the tyranny of the Caliph, Abdel Malik bin Marwan, and who proceeding from the Euphrates southwards made settlements in the concan in the southern parts of the peninsula of India, on the island of Ceylon and Malacca. The division of them which came to Ceylon formed eight considerable settlements along the Nort-East, North and Western coast of that island; viz., one at Trincomalee, one at Jaffna, one at Colombo, one at barbareen, and one at Point de Galle.-

It is perhaps reasonable, therefore, to assume that the Arabs, professing the religion of Islam, arrived in Sri Lanka around the 7th./8th. century A.D. even though there was a settled community of Arabs in Ceylon in pre-Islamic times.

The circumstances that helped the growth of Muslim settlements were varied. The Sinhalese were not interested in trade and were content in tilling the soil and growing cattle. Trade was thus wide open to the Muslims. the Sinhalese Kings considered the Muslim settlements favorably on account of the revenue that they brought them through their contacts overseas both in trade and in politics. The religious tolerance of the local population was also another vital factor in the development of Muslim settlements in Ceylon. The early Muslim settlements were set up, mainly, around ports on account of the nature of their trade. It is also assumed that many of the Arab traders may not have brought their womenfolk along with them when they settled in Ceylon. Hence they would have been compelled to marry the Sinhalese and Tamil women of the island after converting them to Islam. The fact that a large number of Muslims in Sri Lanka speak the Tamil language can be attributed to the possibility that they were trading partners with the Tamils of South India and had to learn Tamil to successfully transact their business. The integration with the Muslims of Tamil Nadu, in South India, may have also contributed to this. It is also possible that the Arabs who had already migrated to Ceylon, prior to Islam, had adopted the Tamil language as a medium of communication in their intercourse with the Tamil speaking Muslims of South India. The Muslims were very skilful traders who gradually builtup a very lucrative trading post in Ceylon. A whole colony of Muslims is said to have landed at Beruwela (South Western coast) in the Kalutara District in 1024 A.D.

The Muslims did not indulge in propagating Islam amongst the natives of ceylon even though many of the women they married did convert. Islam did attract the less privileged low caste members of the Tamil community who found the factor of equality a blessing for their status and well-being.

There is also a report in the history of Sri Lanka of a Muslim Ruler, Vathimi Raja, who reigned at Kurunegala (North Central Province) in the 14th. century. This factor cannot be found in history books due to their omission, for reasons unknown, by modern authors. Vathimi Raja was the son of King Bhuvaneka Bahu I, by a Muslim spouse, the daughter of one of the chiefs. The Sinhalese son of King Bhuvaneka Bahu I, Parakrama Bahu III, the real heir to the throne was crowned at Dambadeniya under the name of Pandita Parakrama Bahu III. In order to be rid of his step brother, Vathimi Raja, he ordered that his eyes be gouged out. It is held that the author of the Mahavansa (ancient history of Ceylon) had suppressed the recording of this disgraceful incident. the British transaletor, Mudaliyar Wijesinghe states that original Ola (leaf script) was bodily removed from the writings and fiction inserted instead. The blinded Vathimi Raja (Bhuvaneka Bahu II or Al-Konar, abbreviated from Al-Langar-Konar, meaning Chief of Lanka of Alakeshwara) was seen by the Arab traveller Ibn Batuta during his visit to the island in 1344. His son named Parakrama Bahu II (Alakeshwara II) was also a Muslim. The lineage of Alakeshwara kings (of Muslim origin) ended in 1410. Although all the kings during this reign may not have been Muslims, the absence of the prefix -Shri Sangha Bodhi- (pertaining to the disciples of the Buddha) to the name of these kings on the rock inscriptions during this hundred year period may be considered as an indicator that they were not Buddhists. Further during Ibn Batutas visit a Muslim ruler called Jalasthi is reported to have been holding Colombo, maintaining his hold over the town with a garrison of about 500 Abyssinians.

In spite of this the Mulsims have always been maintaining very cordial relationships with the Sinhalese Royalty and the local population. There is evidence that they were more closer to the Sinhalese than they were to the Tamils. The Muslims relationship with the Sinhalese kings grew stronger and in the 14th. century they even fought with them against the expanding Tamil kingdom and its maritime influence.

By the beginning of the 16th. century, the Muslims of Sri Lanka, the descendants of the original Arab traders, had settled down comfortably in the island. They were evry successful in trade and commerce and integrated socially with the customs of the local people. They had become an inseparable, and even more, an indispensable part of the society. This period was one of ascendancy in peace and prosperity for the Sri Lankan Muslims. The Malays:

Sri Lankan Muslims include the Malays although they form a separate group by themselves. Even the earliest census of Sri Lanka (1881) lists the Muslims as Moors and Malays separately. Malays too, follow the Islamic religion just like the Moors. The real beginning of the Malays in Sri Lanka dates back to the 13th. century. Husseinmiya writes,

-The definite arrival of Malays in Sri Lanka took place in the 13th. century. Chandra Bhanu, the Malay King of Nakhon Sri Dhammarat in the Isthmus of Kra on the Malay Peninsula invaded Sri Lanka in A.D. 1247, with Malay soldiers. He was determined to possess the relics of the Buddha from the Sinhalese kingdom. In a second invasion he brought soldiers from India-.

Chandra Bhanus 50 year rule of northern Ceylon in the 13th. century is remembered by such place names as Java Patnam (Jaffna), Java Kachcheri (Chavakachcheri), Hambantota etc. Most authors have, yet, linked the origin of the Malays in Ceylon to the period when the uisland was ruled by the Dutch. Murad Jayah in -The plight of the Ceylon Malays today-, MICH Silver Jubilee Souvenir, 1944-1969, Colombo (1970), p 70, writes,

-In 1709 Susana Mangkurat Mas, king of Java, was exiled to Sri Lanka by the Dutch with his entire retinue. He was followed in 1723 by 44 Javanese princes and noble men who surrendered at the battle of Batavia and exiled to this country with their families. These familes formed the nucleus from which the Malay community grew.-

-The Dutch continued to bring more -Java Minissu- (Malay people) as exiles, and employed them to fill the ranks of the army, the police force, the fire brigade, the prison staff and other services. They formed the bulk of the servicemen during the Dutch occupation and the early British times. The British too imported Malay families for settlement in Ceylon with the idea of raising a regiment. The Kings colors were awarded in 1801 to the Ceylon Malay Regiment, the first Asian to receive that Honor.- The unsuccessful attempts of the British to attract more Malays from overseas, the meagre salaries paid to the malay soldiers coupled with more avenues for lucrative employment in the plantation industry, resulted in the disbandment of the malay Regiment in 1873. The Malays released from the army were absorbed into the police and the fire brigade services.

The mother tongue of Malays is Malay (Bahasa Melayu). Murad Jayah writes, -Bahasa Melayu has been preserved in this country for over 250 years due to the fact that the original exiles from Indonesia were accompanied by their womenfolk and it was not necessary for them to find wives among Sinhalese and Tamil women, unlike the Arab ancestors of the Ceylon Moors.-

PEACE LANKA

Tuesday, June 26, 2007

The JVP is not making unfair demands:Vijitha Herath

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