LTTE announces unilateral ceasefire during SAARC summit

[TamilNet, Monday, 21 July 2008, 18:30 GMT]

The Liberation Tigers of Tamileelam (LTTE) on Tuesday announced that the movement would observe unilateral ceasefire during the period of SAARC conference from 26th July to 04 August, giving cooperation for the success of the conference. Conveying goodwill and trust of the Tamil people, the LTTE Political Wing, in a press statement issued from Vanni said it wished for the success of the SAARC conference, extending the movement's support to the "countries of our region, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan and Maldives."

Full text of the announcement by the LTTE follows:

LTTE Political Wing
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
Tamil Eelam
22 July 2008


Ceasefire announcement

On behalf of the people of Tamil Eelam, we extend our sincere good wishes to the fifteenth conference of SAARC that aims, to improve the economic development of the vast South Asian region and to create a new world order based on justice, equality and peace.

For sixty years, the Sinhala leadership is continuing to refuse to put forward a just solution to the national question of the Tamil people. The Sinhala nation is not prepared to deal justice to the Tamils. The politics of the Sinhala nation has today taken the form of a monstrous war. Because the chauvinistic Sinhala regime is putting its trust in a military solution, the war is spreading and is turning more and more intense. Sinhala nation is intent on occupying and enslaving the Tamil homeland. Our military is only involved in a war of self defence against this war of the Sinhala nation.

Behind the smokescreen of war, the Sinhala regime is heaping misery on the Tamil people and is killing them in large numbers. The brutal truth of the gradual destruction and oppression of the Tamil people is being blacked out. The just struggle of the Tamil people is being hidden behind an iron curtain in the name of news censorship. A false propaganda is being spread to tarnish, the freedom movement of the Tamil people and the path it was adopted for its self. This has resulted in misleading views and incorrect opinions about our freedom struggle. We are deeply saddened by this.

We are always keen to develop friendship with the countries of the world and our neighbouring countries in our region. We are sincere in our efforts to create the external conditions in order to build these friendships. We wish to express the good will and trust of the Tamil people. As a sign of this goodwill, our movement is glad to inform that it will observe a unilateral ceasefire that is devoid of military actions during the period of the SAARC conference from 26th July to 4th August and give our cooperation for the success of the conference. At the same time if the occupying Sinhala forces, disrespecting our goodwill gesture of our people and our nation, carry out any offensives, our movement will be forced to take defensive actions.

We wish for the success of the SAARC conference and we also extend our goodwill and support to the countries of our region, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan and Maldives.

Making SAARC meaningful

[TamilNet, Monday, 14 July 2008, 11:42 GMT]
The South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation, which incorporates India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, Maldives and now Afghanistan, is a logical process, not just because of geographical contiguity, shared cultures, legacies of British imperialism, elite use of English language etc., but because of the region’s common aspirations and problems, first of all in ensuring secure and quality life, and then seeking the rightful place for one fifth of humanity in the contemporary world. What went wrong with the noble concept of SAARC, while similar regional formations such as the EU and ASEAN are successful elsewhere, discusses Opinion Columnist Chivanadi.

Opinion Columnist Chivanadi

Sri Lanka is tensed before the fifteenth SAARC summit scheduled to take place by the end of this month.

Sri Lanka Army denies permission to the people of Jaffna, who live in an open prison, to travel outside, alleging security threat to the summit. There are unconfirmed reports of expected arrival of Indian troops to Colombo to provide security. Earlier, news reports speculated, linking the visit the Indian National Security Advisor and two Secretaries of the Defense and External Affairs, with security issues of the summit.

The reports, whether true or camouflage, at least make it obvious that there is something wrong with the whole exercise of SAARC.

The South Asian Association of Regional Cooperation, which incorporates India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bhutan, Maldives and now Afghanistan, is a logical process, not just because of geographical contiguity, shared cultures, legacies of British imperialism, elite use of English language etc., but because of the region’s common aspirations and problems, first of all in ensuring secure and quality life, and then seeking the rightful place for one fifth of humanity in the contemporary world.

What went wrong with the noble concept of SAARC, while similar regional formations such as the EU and ASEAN are successful elsewhere?

Disparity is the main issue. When SAARC was initiated in 1985, someone called it as Snow White and the Six Dwarfs while another saw it as the Big Bully and Six Dwarfs.

Right from the beginning there were two different perceptions behind the idea of regional cooperation in South Asia: the Indian ambition to bring the neighbours under its fold to address it security concerns and the neighbours’ outlook to make a forum to check India interfering into their affairs.

SAARC was doomed at the outset by such a dichotomy in perception.

Considering its size and gravity, India has to bear the bulk of the blame, for failure in coming out with the vitally needed leadership and statesmanship in forging feasible and conducive models to make SARRC successful.

India has allowed the differences between it and her neighbours to be manipulated deftly and subtly by forces that wanted to block the successful emergence of the region.

The situation witnessing a growing tendency among the peoples of the neighbouring countries that why should they care for the security of India when India doesn’t care for their security is going to be fatal to India and the region of South Asia in the long run.

It is alarming to note that five, out of the eight South Asian Countries, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal are listed as failed states.

This accounts for the misery of one fourth of the South Asian population. Not to mention the downtrodden masses of the other South Asian countries, including India, facing political and social injustices.

While there is an urgent need for the people of South Asia to join hands in asserting to their security, livelihood, rights and good governance, one can easily see that their governments, run by forces of vested interests, are the foremost impediment in forging the South Asian unity.

A typical demonstration is the way and timing of signing the Mannaar Basin oil agreement between an Indian corporate outfit and Sri Lanka, and the connotations behind it, while Eezham Tamils, the traditional shareholders of the sea space of the Mannaar Basin, facing genocide.

‘Grab what is possible from a burning house’ (Eriki’ra veeddil pidungkinathu michcham) is a saying in Tamil, characterizing the attitude.

While such greed is also evident in the acts of the so-called International Community, it is not expected from India that has a responsibility for the region.

It is a SAARC irony that while large-scale Indian investments and spatial occupations are taking place in the Eezham Tamil areas of Trincomalee and the Mannaar Basin, the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu is concerned about petty holdings of Eezham Tamil individuals in Tamil Nadu.

India rightfully deserves addressing its security and economic interests in the region and no one can deny them. But it needs political farsightedness, sophistication and an altogether different outlook. Imitating the collapsing model of some world powers will not help. The issues involved are not merely to be viewed as Indian interests but as interests of South Asia.

Unfortunately, common people of South Asia are not concerned with the foreign policies of their governments. Illiteracy in the region is a reason. Unlike in some of the successful democracies in the world, foreign policy is never an election issue, influencing the choice of a government in South Asia.

In a region where political parties keep people engrossed in petty domestic issues to come to power, it becomes easier for a few individuals who are not responsible to the people, to decide the foreign policy in order to serve the forces of vested interests inside and outside.

For more than twenty years now, the SAARC governments have failed in making any headway and are beating around the bush. The fact that SAARC affairs are largely handled and decided by Security Advisors and intelligence officers indicates the gravity of the problem that it has not moved an inch from the precincts of security.

The various subsidiaries of SAARC, initiated with a slogan ‘people to people contact’, are bogus outfits only to reflect the governments and to accommodate people in the service of those governments. They never reflect the real people and seldom go beyond the South Asian capitals. In fact, the peoples’ contacts have very much shrunk today than it was in the days without SAARC.

The South Asian countries have to boldly think of new theoretical frameworks and models to pursue regional cooperation, if the present one has failed. South Asia needs to invent something to suit its heritage.

There was no political India or South Asia in the past. But homogeneity of the region was always there in its peoples and cultures.

Imperial unity in this region was achieved only on a very few, short-lived occasions, before the colonial empire: Asoka’s empire collapsed after him and Aurangzeb’s empire crumbled with the rise of the Marattas.

The strength of unity and regional cooperation in South Asia lies not in its political units of today, but in its peoples and cultures.

Any attempt to make SAARC a meaningful reality should therefore begin from exploring ways of allowing the peoples of South Asia their rightful public space, recognition of their identities and allowing their right to peacefully interact.

Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa is hopeful on focusing the issue of 'terrorism' in South Asia in the forthcoming summit.

Failure to address the aspirations of people and responding to them with state terror are the root cause for all forms of violent conflicts.
http://tamilnet.com/art.html?catid=13&artid=26411

Pushing Muslims into the corner! When do we learn?

Pushing Muslims into the corner! When do we learn?

Saturday ,19 July 2008( Posted : 05:07:22GMT)

By Latheef Farook

This is in response to the July 7, 2008 opinion column of Mr. Janaka Perera under the title 'Ethnic enclaves versus national unity'.

With regard to objections raised to building 500 houses for Muslim tsunami victims in Norochcholai I wish to bring the following facts to the notice of your discerning readership:

The Muslim community lost almost one percent of its population in the Tsunami with the worst affected areas being in the east coast. Yet the government, state agencies, politicians and even foreign donors were indifferent to their unprecedented sufferings. They managed to overcome the early days only due to Muslim organizations and it was the JVP which helped them clear the debris.

They asked "what happened to the almost three billion dollar aid which flowed into the country. A report by the Auditor-General, S.C. Mayadunne, disclosed how the politicians and the bureaucracy misspent or misappropriated hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of tsunami aid and, in one incident, though only 599 families were affected, around 16,000 families were paid Rs. 73.395 million ($723,460) worth of aid in the divisional secretariat of Negombo which was relatively unscathed by the tsunami.

But until then no action was initiated against the culprits despite clear evidence forcing Japanese special envoy Yasushi Akashi to emphasize the need to distribute aid in an equitable, transparent and accountable manner while the World Bank coordinator in the reconstruction process, Alastair McKechnie "insisted on the need for equitable distribution of aid".

It was to resettle 4,700 Muslim tsunami victims rendered homeless in the coastal areas of Akkaraipattu, Sainthamaruthu, Kalmunai and Maruthamunai and undergoing untold misery and hardships in 54 refugee camps for the past four and a half years that the Saudi government came forward to build 500 houses.They were built on a 40 acre land, once acquired by Hingurana Sugar Industries and was abandoned for more than 30 years as being unsuitable for cultivation, approved by the President and the Government Task Force to Rebuild the Nation, TAFREN, for building houses for Muslim tsunami victims.

This is a humanitarian project .The obvious question is "aren't the Muslim tsunami victims entitled to assistance and why were there no objections at its planning stage by those dreaming with a destructive ideology to send the island's Muslim community to Saudi Arabia and Tamils to South India. The planning and the building has gone on for over 3 to 4 years in full view and within the full knowledge of everyone- why is anyone creating this needless racial crisis at this critical time of the nation's history- except perhaps to add more fuel to the crisis and create more chaos.

The Sinhalese and the Muslims have a very harmonious relationship in those areas (as in the rest of the island) and do not view the building of these houses as any interference with the sacred Deegavapiya vihare or as a threat to it but as a humanitarian act of giving shelter to the homeless and the destitute . This can be independently verified. It can also be verified from the respected members of the Sangha that it was the Muslims who nurtured the sacred area and the sacred Chaitya at the time when it was in a state of disrepair and abandoned and there were no Sinhalese then.

Perhaps Mr. Janaka Perera may not be aware that around 70 percent of Muslims in the country live below poverty line and around ten percent of the Muslims driven out from their homes and lands in the North languish in the refugee camps in and around Putttalam in appalling conditions. With callous respect to the lives and property of Muslims both the government and the LTTE fought their battle, over the Mavilaru water dispute, by bombing the residential areas of Mutur where the entire population of around 60,000 had to flee to refugee camps in Kantale while their properties were destroyed and around 200 innocent Muslims slaughtered by the LTTE.

Today Muslim fishermen in and around Mutur are prevented from fishing in the deep sea depriving them of their livelihood with reports of their children fainting in schools from hunger. Obstacles were placed for Muslim farmers from cultivating their agricultural lands and carrying out their routine livestock industry. Muslim traders in the east complain of drop in business due to the current tense situation. Their lands were grabbed under various pretexts. Thus their question is one of survival.

Contrary to the organized propaganda, no Muslim ever wanted to grab an inch of land from any one. All what they want is to be left alone to live in peace in their own lands with members of other communities as they have lived for centuries.

Mr. Perera suggested that the land policy in the East has to be formulated on the basis of the 1981 census. But what he failed to state was that, according to 1921 census the Sinhalese population of the combined Ampara and Batiicaloa districts was less then 5 percent. After the Gal Oya settlements, the 1971 census recorded that Ampara had 126,033 Muslims, constituting 46.2 percent, out of the total population of 272,605. The same census showed that the Sinhalese population was 82,868 or 30.39 percent of the total population. Therefore even by the process of natural increase at 2 percent per annum one would expect the number to reach 101,105 by 1981. But their number increased to 146,371 according to 1981 census showing that 45,356 Sinhalese have been brought into Ampara after the Gal Oya settlements without any land Kachcheri.

This reduced the Muslim population from 46.2 percent to 41.6 percent and increased Sinhalese population from 30.39 to 37.6 percent. Thus his suggestion to formulate the land policy on the basis of 1981 census, makes one wonder whether he represents the neo nationalists who have already prepared the ground work for 'Sinhalisation' of the east. According to local media these neo nationalists are in the driving seat of the government and the administration in the east has been systematically militarized with people of like minded ideology. They have the police, army, navy and the STF with them .Finally they managed to install pro government TMVP leader Pillaiyan as the chief minister of the east, despite all the promises to the Muslims, setting the stage for the smooth implementation of their land grabbing and 'Sinhalisation' policies.

The frightened Muslims in the east, let down by their own politicians, do not know what to do.

It was under these circumstances that a subtle media campaign had been underway describing Muslims in the east as jihadists, wahabis, terrorists in their drive to project Muslims as villains as usually done by Israel and its western supporters before they commit their crimes. This is a classic case of propagandist scare-mongering which we encounter in the Western media on a regular basis.

Daily mirror

Another civilian tragedy kills 4

Four people including a 9-year-old child and a woman were killed and 25 injured yesterday when suspected LTTE cadres fired at a CTB bus travelling along the Buttala-Kataragama main road that borders the Yala National Park, police said.

They said the act of terror took place at around 10:45 am near Galge at the 149th milepost. The bus driver had sped through the ambush and driven the bus to Kataragama and admitted the injured to the Kataragama hospital. Later eight of the seriously injured passengers were rushed to the Hambantota Base Hospital.

Police media spokesman Ranjith Gunasekera said the gunmen who were hiding in the area which was surrounded by thick jungle had raked the passing bus.

He said two of the dead were identified as H.M. Karunawathie (47) from Dambagalla and her son H.M. Madushanka (12).

The road was closed immediately after the incident and a joint military and police search operation was launched to track down the killers.

SSP Gunasekera said that in what appeared to be a related incident the personnel on duty at the No: 38 checkpoint on this road had heard gunfire from within the jungle last week but a search operation had revealed nothing suspicious.

The Buttala-Kataragama road was only reopened in June this year after being closed for more than a month following suspected LTTE activity including two claymore mine explosions that targeted a passenger bus and a tractor carrying soldiers.

The road was reopened after a large number of checkpoints manned by police, army and civilian defence force personnel were set up along this road and the surrounding jungle. The traffic along this popular pilgrim route had increased over the last few weeks due to the Kataragama Esala festival season which began with the Mal Perehera last Saturday and ending on July 19.

SSP Gunasekera said security in the area had also been beefed up in view of the large number of devotees and VIPs attending the festival.

http://www.dailymirror.wijeya.lk/DM_BLOG/Sections/frmNewsDetailView.aspx?ARTID=20287

Lal Kantha claims strike a success, but admits failure to mobilize more

VP trade union leader MP K. D. Lal Kantha claimed yesterday’s token strike was a success but in the same breath admitted that they failed to muster the entire work force into the agitation.

"The token strike was successful in our view. We earlier said that public, private and estate sectors would participate but at the last moment we decided to limit private sector participation only to a demonstration level. We think around 70 per cent of the public sector and a large number of estate sector workers were on strike," he told a press conference held at the National Library Auditorium.

He admitted that the unions failed to mobilize workers into action and attributed it to the government’s pressure and influence.

"In some places we could not get a single worker out, but we managed to register our protest. We gained a lot of experience.

This is only the first step of our agitation. We experienced both negative and positive outcomes and there were setbacks. We hope to eliminate the negative factors in future and we now know our weaknesses and strengths," he said.

The effect of the strike was not felt by people since there was a continuous supply of electricity and water. Transport was also available. "We managed to get 10 per cent of CTB workers out on strike. We did not want to cut down water and power and get transport stalled since we do not want to oppress the public. If we did that the public would have been inconvenienced and their anger would have been been aroused against us. We are a responsible trade union movement and did not want to go that far but if we wanted we could have definitely done that," Lal Kantha said.

The National Trade Union Center had called for a token strike with several aims and most of them were achieved. "We wanted to assess how the government, workforce, administrations and security forces would respond to a strike situation. Now we have witnessed that. We saw how the government controlled media was converted into SLFP controlled media. We observed how the police and forces were used to disrupt our action. The strike gave us the opportunity to study the levels of participation by workers. We had got that assessment and it would be useful in our future struggles," he said.

"The UNP’s Jathika Seveka Sangamaya had come forward to support the strike though the NTUC did not invite them. Private bus owners too promised to join forces on condition that NTUC include the demand of provision of subsidized fuel for passenger transport services. "We started with 366 unions and this was increased to 660 unions. We did not stage a proper organized union action which we may do in the future, "Lal Kantha said

He thanked workers, unions and other social forces that helped the NTUC’s call for a token strike. "We thank the private media which maintained balance reporting right from the beginning of this issue", he said.

http://www.island.lk/2008/07/11/news3.html

LTTE says ready for ceasefire and peace talks

Facing a concerted military offensive by the Sri Lankan army in its stronghold of Jaffna peninsula, the LTTE on Thursday expressed readiness for ceasefire and peace talks with the island government.

LTTE's political wing chief, V Nadesan, said that the group was ready for a ceasefire now, while accusing the Sri Lankan government of "abrogating" the six-year-long ceasefire which came to an end early this year.

Nadesan, in a telephonic interview to Times Now television, said the LTTE was not against peace negotiations. "Yes" was his answer when asked whether the LTTE was for the ceasefire starting again.

"It is the Sri Lankan state that unilaterally abrogated the ceasefire agreement and is unleashing a war against the Tamils in their homeland," he charged.

"We are not against ceasefire or peace talks," he said.

Asked about the petition filed by Nalini, sentenced to life in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case, seeking premature release, Nadesan said the LTTE believed that holistic changes will take place and the Indian government "will recognise the legitimate aspirations of Tamil people and their freedom struggle. And Nalini's release will start the holistic change." He also termed Priyanka Vadhra's visit to the Vellore prison to meet Nalini a few months ago as a "humanitarian gesture." LTTE, which was indicted in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination, continues to be banned in India.

Nadesan's interview came as the Sri Lankan military chief LT Gen Sarath Fonseka claimed on June 30 that LTTE had lost capability to fight as a conventional force and its cadre strength had dropped to 5000 from 8000 in August 2006.

One soldier was killed in a confrontation with security forces in Jaffna peninsula yesterday, the military said, adding another army personnel died in Serunuwara in Trincomalee. In another clash, troops killed an LTTE cadre on Wednesday in Kiriibbanwewa in Welioya, the Media Centre for National Security (MCNS) said.

One more Tamil Tiger was shot dead in the same area in a clash with troops on Wednesday, it said.

The army killed another three LTTE cadres in Palamodai in Vavuniya yesterday, the MCNS said, adding five more Tiger rebels were shot dead in the same region in intense clashes later in the day.

One LTTE cadre was gunned down in Palamodai after the troops destroyed a rebel bunker on Wednesday, it said.

At least two LTTE cadres were killed in a battle in Navavi in Vavuniya yesterday, the MCNS said.

LTTE says ready for ceasefire and peace talks

Govt. to penalize strikers, JVP says won’t take it lying down

By Sandun A Jayasekera The government yesterday decided to take disciplinary action against public servants who struck work on Thursday and as a result casual employees who participated in the strike now face losing their jobs, government sources said. The government instructed department heads to issue letters to casual employees who absented themselves from work on July 10 and called for an explanation within three days or face dismissal on Monday. The sources said that disciplinary action would also be taken against all permanent employees who participated in the trade union action on July 10. “The Department Head has the power to terminate the services of casual employees at any time without calling for an explanation. But on sympathetic grounds casual employees who resorted to trade union action on July 10 have been given an opportunity to explain. However, they will have to give a good reason for absenting themselves from the work on Thursday,” the spokesman said. Sources said that Government and semi government institutions employ some 300,000 casual employees. UNP General Secretary Tissa Attanayaka said the opposition condemned the government’s move to penalize the strikers. “The Mahinda Rajapaksa government is depriving the public servants of their legitimate rights to engage in trade union action. We will never let it happen and mobilize all forces to fight this act of injustice by the government,” he said Mr. Attanayake said that if the government went ahead with its threats, the UNP would seek legal redress in overcoming undemocratic and anti-labour measures, Mr. Attanayaka said. Meanwhile, the JVP’s trade union firebrand K.D. Lal Kantha said President Rajapaksa was informed about the July 10 token strike on May 16 and the heads of all other state establishments and departments two weeks in advance, as such no department head has the right to take action against employees who participated in the one day strike. “We are ready to meet the challenge. If the government continues to suppress the working class in this manner we will mobilize the entire working class against these oppressive measures of the government in addition to resorting to legal action,” Mr. Lal Kantha said. http://www.dailymirror.wijeya.lk/DM_BLOG/Sections/frmNewsDetailView.aspx?ARTID=20285

Sri Lanka Political parties

Political life in Sri Lanka is open and vigorous, with a wide range of views represented among the political parties, many of which have their roots deep in the pre-independence era. In the time since independence, considerations of religion, language, and culture have largely displaced ideology as the issues around which multi-ethnic Sri Lanka's political life evolves. In the last decade, ethnic struggle—and violence—between the government, dominated by majority Sinhalese, and militant minority Tamil separatists has dominated the political process.

The United National Party (UNP) was the main party of the independence movement, and its widely respected leader, D. S. Senanayake, as head of a coalition of which the UNP was the chief unit, became Ceylon's first prime minister after independence. He won a major victory in 1952 and continued in power until he died in 1956. The divided opposition failed to agree on a leader until 1951, when Solomon Bandaranaike left the UNP to form the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). Over the years, the SLFP became the island's other major political party, advocating—like the UNP—a non-aligned foreign policy, with the UNP friendlier to the West, the SFLP, to the former Eastern bloc. Both find their support from within the majority Sinhalese community, and like most other parties, both are led mostly by high caste Sinhalese.

Shortly before the 1956 elections, Bandaranaike formed the People's United Front (Mahajana Eksath Peramuna—MEP), composed of his own SLFP, the Trotskyite Lanka Sama Samaja (LSSP), and a group of independents. The MEP called for the extension of state control, termination of British base rights, nationalization of tea and rubber plantations, and a foreign policy of strict nonalignment. In the elections, the MEP won 51 seats, and Bandaranaike became prime minister, holding power until September 1959 when he was assassinated by a Buddhist monk.

In elections March 1960, the UNP won 50 of the 151 seats at stake, the SLFP, 46 seats, and other parties, the remaining 55. UNP leader Dudley Senanayake failed to muster a majority, and new elections were called for July. In this second round of polling, the UNP won a majority of the popular vote but only 30 seats. The SLFP, led by its slain leader's widow, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, won 75, and with her supporters on the left, she was able to form a government, becoming the first woman in the world to hold office as prime minister. She committed her government to pursuing continuation of her husband's agenda, including nationalization of enterprises.

In the 15 years that followed, the UNP and the SLFP alternated in power for periods no longer than seven years. In 1965, Dudley Senanayake became prime minister after the UNP won 66 of the 151 legislative seats, but the SLFP's Sirimavo Bandaranaike was returned to power in the 1970 elections as the head of a coalition that included the Trotskyite LSSP and the pro-Soviet Ceylon Communist Party (CCP). In response to an insurrection fomented in 1971 by the Janatha Vimukhti Peramuna (JVP), a militant Sinhalese party in the south, Bandaranaike imposed a state of emergency on the island that lasted for 6 years. She pushed through a new constitution in 1972.

By 1977, Banderanaike's public image had declined. No longer supported by her former coalition partners, she was humiliated at the polls by J. R. Jayewardene's UNP which was returned to power with 51% of the popular vote and 142 of (the then) 168 seats in parliament. The moderate Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF), which had swept Tamil areas of the north and east, became the major opposition party in parliament with 16 seats and the SLFP representation in the house fell to a bare eight seats.

Jayewardene's sweeping victory enabled him to fulfill the UNP's campaign pledge to introduce a French-style presidential system of government. Forsaking the now-eclipsed office of prime minister, he set out as president to use his new powers to open the economy and to make a new effort to reconcile with the increasingly disaffected Tamil minority. In the local elections and parliamentary by-elections of May 1983, the UNP strengthened its commanding position by gaining control of a majority of municipal and urban councils and winning 14 of 18 parliamentary seats contested.

The CCP and two other leftist groups, the People's Liberation Front and the New Socialist Party, were banned in 1983 on charges of playing a role in the ethnic riots which swept the island in July; leaders of the Communist Party were subsequently arrested. In August 1983, TULF members of parliament, after several fruitless years of negotiations with Jayewardene aimed at devolving power to local levels, were confronted with a constitutional amendment aimed at them by the UNP's two-thirds majority that required all MP's to pledge their allegiance to a unitary state. They abandoned parliament, and by now most have been killed, as the leadership of the Tamil movement fell into the hands of those advocating violence and complete independence as the only sure ways to protect Tamil ethnicity. The TULF was decimated in parliamentary elections in February 1989, which saw the emergence of several small Tamil parties with reputed ties to the rebels.

In presidential elections held in December 1988, Prime Minister Premadasa beat the SLFP's Sirimavo Bandaranaike in a close race marred by ethnic violence. He was sworn in as Jayewardene's successor on 2 January 1989. In February, he led the UNP to a strong victory in parliamentary polling, capturing 125 of the 225 seats under a new proportional voting system; he then named Dingiri Wijetunga as prime minister. These elections also saw the debut of the United Socialist Alliance (USA), a new political grouping set up in 1987 and composed of the SLFP's former coalition partners on the far left, including the CCP, the LSSP, and the Sri Lanka Mahajana Party (SLMP); the USA took 4 seats, while the SLFP won 67.

In the summer of 1991, Premadasa beat back a sudden challenge to his position by leading members of his party in parliament, suspending the parliament for a month to delay debate on a motion they had filed to impeach him for abuse of his authority. But in a rising tide of violence and assassinations of governmental officials across the island, President Premadasa himself became a victim of a Tamil bomber on 1 May 1993. The Parliament unanimously elected Prime Minister Wijetunga as his successor on 7 May 1993.

A "snap" election called six months early by President Wijetunga as part of his campaign for re-election himself in November 1994 backfired on 16 August 1994 when the voters rejected the UNP by a small margin. In its place, they elected to office a seven-party, leftist coalition—now dubbed the People's Alliance (PA)—led by the SLFP's Sirimavo Bandaranaike and Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga—mother and daughter, 80 and 49 years of age, respectively. More vigorous but less experienced, the younger Kumaratunga promptly became prime minister.

The results of the elections, by seats won, were as follows: People's Alliance, 105; United National Party, 94; Eelam People's Democratic Party, 9; Sri Lanka Muslim Congress, 7; Tamil United Liberation Front, 5; People's Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam, 3; Sri Lankan Progressive Front, 1; and the Upcountry People's Front, 1.

Kumaratunga won election on the promise of ending the civil war. Her offers of limited regional autonomy for Tamils within the Sri Lankan state were initially turned down by the LTTE leader, Velupillai Prabakaran (most of the moderate Tamil leaders have been assassinated). Her attempts at a military solution were also unsuccessful until a cease-fire and peace talks emerged in 2002. Citing parliament's rejection of her proposals for strengthening the prime minister's powers and for granting regional autonomy to the Tamils, Kumaratunga called for presidential elections ahead of schedule in December 1999. The race between the president and her UNP rival, Ranil Wickremasinghe, was close. However, three days before polling, Kumaratunga was injured in an assassination attempt, bringing out a sympathy vote. She was returned to office with 51.1% of the votes compared to her opponent's 42.7%. In November 1994, presidential elections were held. UNP leader Gamini Dissanayake fell victim to the island's endemic violence and his widow Srima Dissanayake was appointed to run against the younger Kumaratunga. While the latter's political party won only a slim plurality and had to govern by coalition, in the presidential race she won a commanding majority (63%–36%) and, upon becoming president, appointed her mother prime minister.

In the parliamentary elections held 7 December 2001, Wickremasinghe's United National Party took 109 seats, and united with the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress's (SLMC) 5 seats to take control of parliament. Kumaratunga's People's Alliance coalition took 77 seats, and the People's United Liberation Front, uniting with the PA, took 16 seats. The Tamil United Liberation Front took 15 seats, the Eelam People's Democratic party took 2 seats, and the Democratic People's Liberation Front secured 1 seat.

http://www.nationsencyclopedia.com/Asia-and-Oceania/Sri-Lanka-POLITICAL-PARTIES.html

New alliance may ease problems of Lankan govt

New alliance may ease problems of Lankan govt

By Frances Bulathsinghala
COLOMBO: Eight years ago Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pilliyan was a Tamil Tiger guerilla fighting in the jungles of the east and the Marxist –cum-Nationalist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna’s (JVP) Propaganda secretary,Wimal Weerawanse was storming political platforms in Colombo crying out for the annihilation of the LTTE.

The annihilation, in the totality promised by the government is yet to happen but what has occurred is that neither Sivanesaturai Chandrakanthan nor Wimal Weerawanse is in their respective organisations anymore. And what one would see soon is Sivanesaturai Chandrakanthan, now deputy leader of the political party the Tamil Makkal Viduthilai Pulikkal (TMVP) and Wimal Weerawanse parading on the same political platform. Crying out for a common cause.

Weeks after Wimal Weerawanse was ousted from the JVP and Sivanesaturai Chandrakanthan was appointed the chief minister of the eastern province by President Mahinda Rajapakse, the two have met in ultra secret talks.

Weerawanse, now having established his own JVP break-away political party calling itself the National Freedom Front (NFF) met at the party office in the suburb of Battaramulla last Saturday.

The meeting was kept secret till the last minute due to security considerations, political sources said confirming that the two had agreed to form an alliance to contest future elections together and ‘to cooperate in all other matters’.

The alliance comes as the JVP mainstream under the leadership of Somawanse Amarasinghe vowed to begin an all island trade union strike that is likely to further cripple Sri Lanka’s already gasping economy and further complicate the life of President Mahinda Rajapakse and his government.

Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) sources said it rejected a call from President Mahinda Rajapaksa for talks to avert a general strike planned by its trade unions demanding pay hikes amidst the soaring cost of living.

President Rajapaksa has been informed in writing that the strike action will be carried out on July 10 if the JVP trade unions’ demands are not met. Political analysts say that the link being established between the ex-JVPer Wimal Weerawanse and ex-LTTE rebel turned Eastern Chief Minister Chandrakanthan would be aimed at acting as a ‘buffer’ for President Rajapakse’s ailing government.

Meanwhile, commenting on the new found partnership, TMVP sources said the party was ‘obliged’ to Weerawanse for defending the paramilitary group for continuing to carry arms in the volatile east of the country.“

We are carrying arms because we are under threat from the LTTE and we have an obligation to support the former Propaganda Secretary of the JVP who came to our defence,” a TMVP source said. One reason for Wimal Weerawanse to be ousted from the JVP was his refusal to toe the party line demanding the disarming of the TMVP.

Meanwhile, political sources said the TMVP is to put forward proposals demanding police, land, educational and financial powers for the provinces. The proposals are to be handed over to the All Party Representatives’ Committee (APRC) deliberating a devolution of power as a political alternative to the Tamil ethnic question.

While political observers said it is yet to be seen how the TMVP and the NFF will ease the problems of President Mahinda Rajapakse and his government, the JVP mainstream is lambasting the appointment of Chandrakanthanas eastern Chief Minister claming it was carried out on the instigation of India., an allegation staunchly denied by the UPFA regime.

Never too late to listen to the party’s grassroots level members.



In the political playing field of electioneering, elections and voting, it should be the prime concern of the party hierarchy to listen to the party’s grassroot level members.



In the run-up to the provincial council elections of the Eastern Province , there was a strong feeling among the grassroot level party supporters and the influential Muslim Diaspora, the concerned external force of the Sri Lankan Muslim community, that the SLMC should accept the invitation of the UPFA to form the Alliance to contest the Eastern PC elections. Whether partnering with the UNP or UPFA was correct or not is not the context of this article.Whatever may have happened, the decision of the SLMC hierarchy failing to do so ultimately resulted in the Muslims loosing the opportunity of nominating a Muslim as the Chief Minister of the Eastern Province .



Nevertheless, arguments may be raised that the elections was rigged in order to make it possible for the TMVP to nominate Mr. “Pillayan’ as the Chief Minister by the UPFA alliance and the UNP/SLMC alliance could not out-beat the thuggery, violence and vote impersonation/ballot box filling by the UPFA/TMVP alliance, due to enormous preplanned pressure that was employed through all avenues by the government to win the elections. Notwithstanding that fact, the judicial review will give the final verdict in time to come.



On the other hand, the Muslim leaders of the East and the SLMC had their own reasons of the government “not listening” to their political requests and the infighting among the Eastern Muslims for selfish reasons resulted to the downfall of a consensus stand for “due consideration” to resolve the burning issues of the Muslims in the Eastern Province . Added to this was the political treachery of the so-called strong man of the SLMC and a former MP for Batticaloa which resulted in the divided camps of the block Muslim votes of the SLMC, the results – 8 Muslims PC members for the UPFA/TMVP alliance and 9 Muslim PC members for the UNP/SLMC alliance. The TRUTH – in “reality” 17 Muslim PC members of the SLMC.



But the simple fact remains that, both HE. Mahinda Rajapaksa and Hon. Basil Rajapaksa cannot deny the truth that they have wholeheartedly acknowledged the fact that the Muslims are a force to recon in the Eastern Province . They have also realized that, that “this force” is represented by the SLMC, be it any of the “so-called” Muslim groups or parties represented by dissident SLMC MP’s, now Ministers/Deputy Ministers in the UPFA government or SLMC break-away groups or Muslim civil society organizations or mosque trustee groups in the East. The main vote bank that has been split and shared by these ‘so-called” selfish politicians and individuals are actually the vote bank of the SLMC that remains intact in the North Eastern and Eastern Provinces since the advent of the SLMC on September 11th., 1981 when the SLMC was established at Kathankudy in the Batticaloa district under the Chairmanship of Marhoom A. L. Ahmed and when Marhoom M H M Ashraff was elected its Founder President. This Party was formed by a small group of Eastern province political leaders. In November 1986 the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress - SLMC was formally inaugurated as a political party at the "badsha" festival held in Colombo with the late Ashraff, as its Leader, a National Muslim Brokerage Party that has grown from a small group of Eastern political activists to what it is today, led under the leadership of the able political lieutenant and “junior” – Hon. Rauf Hakeem and his able party Secretary General – Hassanali.



The Sri Lankan Muslims have been throughout history a passive and peace loving community. Respect of the Rule-of-Law, belief in the democratic institutions and their functions and the judiciary have been their way of life, while national feelings have been at the highest level when the integrity of the nation and the sovereignty of the State has been challenged. As a community with a heritage in trade and commerce during the 18th., and 19th., century, today the Muslims of Sri Lankan have branched into many competitive professions to serve the cause of the Nation fully and with dedication and commitment. The biggest foreign exchange earner to the country are the Muslim women working as housemaids in the Middle East and the expatriate Muslim sons who toil in the middle east, not the garment exports or the tea trade that Sri Lankan can anymore boast of. What we lack to prove these arguments are statistical information and economical research studies that are the instruments of supporting evidence needed professionally in the modern world of commerce, trade and economics. This should be a challenge to the Muslim Peace Secretariat to take a look at if within their mandate.



Whatever false may be written about the Muslims in the East, the Muslims have always condoned violence and will never be influenced to take to arms as a way of struggle to win their legitimate fundamental rights. It is this tradition and culture of PEACE that has given the opportunity to the Muslim brokerage party – the SLMC to thrive even in non-Muslim areas like the Sabaragamuwa, North Central, Central and the Southern Provinces where there are large numbers of Muslims living scattered in harmony with the Sinhalese community.



Contradictory to the JVP – Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (the militant armed group of the Sinhalese, now turned democratic), PFLT - Peoples Front of Liberation Tigers ( the political party of the LTTE) and the TVMP – Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (the political party of the breakaway armed/paramilitary group of the LTTE in the East), the Muslims and the SLMC is pure and clear in it’s political struggle and campaign of abstaining from practicing “arms culture” like the above mentioned Sinhalese and Tamil political representations. Yet, the cry of the Sri Lankan Muslims to be treated equal and to be respected as equal citizens as guaranteed under the constitution, is a cry in the wilderness of democracy and good governance.



But now, this cry from the Muslim citizens/voters is not to call for attention from the would be “dons” of the governments since 1983, or at present to HE. Mahinda Rajapaksa, the incumbent President, but the cry is a call to the hierarchy of the Muslim political forces and the leaders of the Muslim community in Sri Lanka .



Why then is a The SLMC leadership has been under pressure from the party’s grassroot level members to contest the upcoming provincial council election under its ‘tree’ symbol in Anuradhapura and Kegalle without aligning with a major political party as stated to Muslim Guardian by the General Secretary, M.T. Hassan Ali (Muslim Congress to go it a lone, dateline Monday ,30 June 2008( Posted : 05:06:26GMT).



The puzzling statement that follows it saying “the party would contest the election in Polonnaruwa and Ratnapura along with the UNP as usual” confuses the Muslim citizens/voters in the Polonnaruwa and Ratnapura districts.

As a concerned Sri Lankan Muslim hailing from the East and domiciled aboard with a strong and longstanding background of political engagement and the struggle for the cause of the “Muslim Factor”, it is my humble opinion that the SLMC should try it’s best to refrain from aligning with any political block or national Political party to contest any elections or come to any political arrangements to contest elections in the future. This will be the best in the interest of the Sri Lankan Muslim community at large, Insha Allah. Times will change and the political scenarios will see new forces and strategies that will direct and navigate the destiny of Sri Lankan as time passes by, but the legitimacy and representation of the Muslim community in Sri Lankan will hold ground strong. The SLMC will be the final “National Brokerage Representative Entity” of the Sri Lankan Muslim community in the future, Insha Allah, if the would be political powers that may govern Sri Lankan need to consider a balance of power. The “mushroom” Minister groups, the so-called strongman crowds, the breakaway congresses, the Unity alliances, the henchmen who cling to political leaders to gain job assignments after every election for their well beings - all will disappear in time to come and the “TREE” will stand strong to provide the political shade of times to the Sri Lankan Muslim Community.

The flourishing leaves of the TREE will definitely be the party grassroot level members - the Muslim citizens and the Muslim voters.

Therefore Hon. Rauf Hakeem and the SLMC hierarchy should seriously consider even going it alone in the Polonnaruwa and Ratnapura districts. If at the worst, it is better for the SLMC NOT to field any Muslim candidates in alliance with the UNP as planned.

The political dividends that the Muslim community will gain and the benefits that may be seen after the Elections to the SLMC will be enormous, politically Insha Allah.

Let the SLMC not make the mistake of politically flirting with any group as it happened at the Eastern Provincial Council Elections. The SLMC should be independent and strong as it is. It is the political TREE of the Muslims of Sri Lanka. It should not become a political creeper at any cost.



Noor Nizam.

Sri Lankan Peace Activist

Canada .

Setting the stage for the PC polls

Setting the stage for the PC polls


Voters would be going to the polls one
year ahead of schedule and (inset)
Dayananda Dissanayake

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti, Arthur Wamanan
and Nirmala Kannangara

Following the dissolution of the North Central and Sabaragamuwa Provincial Councils, all main and peripheral political parties were busy finalising their nomination lists last week. The nomination period runs from June 27 to July 4.

The councils were prematurely dissolved following the chief ministers of both the provinces making representations to the President. The dissolution was also challenged in court only to be ruled that the dissolutions were in order.

As nominations are being finalised, the ruling UPFA coalition is yet to announce their chief ministerial candidates, though there is every chance that the government might field the same candidates, Berty Premalal Dissanayake and Maheepala Herath for the NCP and Sabaragamuwa respectively.

The UNP has managed to nominate one candidate - former army chief of staff turned diplomat, Janaka Perera as their chief ministerial candidate for the NCP. Sabaragamuwa proved a headache to the UNP with the original nominee, Upul Shantha Sannasgala backing out from the race even before he was officially recognised.

Chief ministerial candidates

The JVP is the only party to have announced the two chief ministerial candidates - Wasantha Samarasinghe for the NCP and Chameera Koswatte for Sabaragamuwa.

As parties scan candidates, the main opposition UNP told The Sunday Leader that two other main political parties - the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), the Western People's Front (WPF) and the SLFP (M) Group have lent their support to the UNP

The final announcement of the party's two chief ministerial candidates will be made at the UNP's working committee meeting scheduled for July 1. "All the three political parties and SLFP (M) will contest under one symbol. Our decision on the chief ministerial candidates would be taken on Tuesday, July 1," UNP General Secretary Tissa Attanayake told The Sunday Leader.

According to Attanayake a difficult task is ahead for the opposition parties as they would not only have to concentrate on winning the elections but also fight against government sponsored thuggery.

"The country witnessed as to how the government secured victory at the Eastern Provincial Council election. The entire government machinery was used to unleash violence and then the state media did full time free propaganda work. Even the Police Department clearly demonstrated their bias and went all out to assist the government campaign instead of maintaining law and order. We expect the government to do a repeat. We are certain of massive intimidation and rigging. That's the UPFA's trademark and they want to win at any cost," claimed Attanayake.

Win by hook or by crook

General Secretary, Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), Hassen Ali told The Sunday Leader that government ministers and their goon squads would undoubtedly try to win the two elections by hook or by crook.

"What was the need for the government to hold staggered elections? If the government claims that the two governors had to dissolve the provincial councils because they lacked a majority in the respective councils, then why didn't they dissolve the utterly corrupt and inefficient Wayamba PC and the Western PC?" asked Hassen Ali.

The WPF that has pledged support to the UNP, will not field candidates in the NCP but will field a single candidate each in Ratnapura and Kegalle.

WPF Leader Mano Ganesan said that the party saw eye to eye with the UNP on several issues and decided to work with them. " It is also the first time that we will contest in Sabaragamuwa," he added.

While political parties fine-tune their nomination lists, election monitors too have begun their ground work in both the provinces. Monitors such as the People's Action for Free and Fair Elections (PAFFREL) and Centre for Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV) have both commenced the initial work in order to carry out their monitoring activities during pre election and election periods.

Monitoring the polls

PAFFREL has already started to train 3,000 persons to do monitoring work in both the provinces.

PAFFREL Chief Kingsley Rodrigo said that around 2,500 persons would be selected to monitor the polls in both the provinces.

According to Rodrigo, 1,600 polling booths would be established in both provinces.

The 2,500 persons who are selected would also include mobile monitors who will travel to many of the booths in both provinces.

"Therefore, we cannot say how many monitors would be working in each province yet," he said.

The CMEV has also commenced preparatory work as nominations date draws near. The CMEV did not monitor the provincial council polls held in the east last May.

National Coordinator of CMEV, D.M. Dissanayake told The Sunday Leader that it had already started to look into the financial and other aspects necessary to commence monitoring activities.

Selection of candidates

"We will decide by July 4, after the nominations are filed," he said.

Meanwhile when queried on what basis the parties have decided to select candidates and whether there would be any youth participation at the forthcoming PC elections, UNP General Secretary, Tissa Attanayake said that all those who represented the previous councils would be given nominations while the rest would be selected from those who have promoted the party at grass root level together with other popular personalities.

"After offering the first slots to those who served the previous councils the rest would be selected from popular personalities and local organisers who have promoted the party at grassroot level," Attanayake explained.

Attanayake said that nomination lists would be finalised by July 1.

According to Hassen Ali, the SLMC has decided to contest with the UNP and will field one candidate from each of the four districts. "The SLMC has already nominated Ravuttar Neina Mohammad as their candidate for the Anuradhapura District. Candidates for Ratnapura, Kegalle and Polonnaruwa would be selected shortly," Ali stated.

Criteria for selection

When asked what their criteria would be when selecting candidates, Ali said that since there is no criteria in selecting candidates for the PC elections, the party would consider their political suitability and local acceptance.

He further said the party could get 60% of the votes from the four districts in the event the government holds free and fair elections.

"We paid several visits to the four districts and found that the people are now fed up with this administration and are eagerly waiting to expel the ruling party. They are also in fear as to whether there would be a repetition of the eastern poll and police interference this time round," Ali added.

Ali further said that the SLMC would go before courts in the event of the people not being given a chance to select their representatives in a free and fair election.

"The SLMC even filed a case against the Elections Commissioner for his failure to hold a free and fair election and to have it declared null and void. The Court of Appeal granted us leave to proceed, and the applications in respect of Ampara and Batticaloa are to be taken up on July 11 and 14 respectively. As such, we would not be reluctant to go before courts and challenge the results if the results are rigged once again," he noted.

Constitutional Council

Accusing the government of not appointing the Constitutional Council (CC), Ali reiterated the need to conduct free and fair polls. "Even the government would benefit if the independent commissions are appointed. Why is the government scared of appointing these commissions?" queried Ali.

Both the provinces are going to poll exactly a year ahead of the due date. Both Sabaragamuwa and the NCP were handsomely won by the UPFA coalition in July 2004.

In the Anuradhapura District, the UPFA secured 187,977 votes compared to the UNP's 89,166 votes. In Polonnaruwa the UPFA and the UNP obtained 91,067 and 54,534 votes respectively. In the Ratnapura District, the UPFA and UNP secured 213,619 and 119,681 votes respectively while in Kegalle, the UPFA polled 185,112 votes as opposed to the UNP's 115,551 votes.

The NCP will elect 31 members while Sabaragamuwa will elect 42 councillors.

Meanwhile, as nominations close on July 4 - next Friday, all parties are gearing themselves for their campaigns to be launched the week after.

Wasantha: JVP's NCP hopefulWasantha: JVP's NCP hopeful

By Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema

In a bid to bring in young blood into the forefront of politics, the JVP has nominated Herath Mudiyanselage Wasantha Samarasinghe as its chief ministerial candidate for the North Central Provincial Council.

Samarasinghe, a member of parliament who has raised his voice against corruption, wastage, malpractice in government, and economic mismanagement, gave up the legislature to contest the forthcoming NCP polls.

With a vision of creating an efficient financial management system that would help uplift the living standards of people in the most rural areas in the country, the young, enthusiastic Samarasinghe feels the urgent need to create a better tomorrow for the future generations.

Born on May 24, 1976, in Thambuttegama, Anuradhapura, Samarasinghe is the eighth in a family of 10. Samarasinghe's father is engaged in paddy farming and owns a shop in the Thambuttegama town and was earlier a government servant while his mother was a housewife.

Early education

He was educated at the Thambuttegama Primary School and completed his A/Levels at the Thambuttegama Central College. After receiving three A's and one B at the A/Level exam in 1996 in the commerce stream and ranking fifth in the district, the bright student was selected to enter the Kelaniya University to follow a degree in accountancy.

However, soon after his A/Levels, till he was called to the university, Samarasinghe worked at the People's Bank branch in Kebethigollewa, Anuradhapura for one and a half years where he says he gained a lot of knowledge on the workings of the state banking system. With the working experience and a yearning to learn more, Samarasinghe entered university in 1999.

As a youth, while engaged in school education, Samarasinghe and his friends believed in standing up for justice. On two occasions, it was he along with a few of his friends who managed to help the police capture several people who attempted to smuggle heroin into the Thambuttegama area.

"I was neither a quiet person nor one who was full of mischief as a child, but my friend and I always stood for what was right and was protective of our village community," he says.

Interest in politics

It was his desire to stand for justice and serve the people that made Samarasinghe enter politics. His interest in politics began with his desire to bring in a change to the country, which he feels is a great need even today given the unresolved issues by successive governments.

It was the 1994 elections that was the turning point in his life. According to him, when the change expected by everyone did not happen and the issues faced by the people continued to remain unresolved with democracy coming under threat, he and a few others felt the need to make a change.

In 1995, while studying for the A/Levels, the energetic youth with a vision to bring about a positive change to the country joined the JVP as a student member. He then continued to take part in party activities throughout his university career.

Although initially his family was a little reluctant to accept his choice of career, Samarasinghe managed to get the full backing of his family and considers it a blessing to have their support in his chosen field of politics.

Member of the students' union

While in university, Samarasinghe was a member of the students' union and in 2001 was appointed as the secretary of the Inter University Students' Union. In 2002 he was appointed as the president of the union, and in the same year, he captained the university's football team as well.

In 2002, he was also appointed as the head of the Mawbima Surakeeme Jathika Vyaparaya (Movement to Protect the Motherland).

After leaving the university in 2003, Samarasinghe joined the Socialist Students' Union and was later appointed as a member of the national steering committee.

Then came the big moment. In April 2004, Wasantha Samarasinghe entered parliament under the UPFA as a national list member of the JVP.

On June 26, 2004, he was also appointed as the secretary of the JVP's private sector trade union - the Inter Company Employees' Union (ICEU). Later, in 2007, he was appointed as the chairman of the ICEU.

Today he has become a leading figure in the trade union sector by heading many protests along with the working masses to protect their rights. Shouting slogans to win the demands of the working masses, he firmly believes that as a community that contributes to the country's economy, the working classes have to be treated justly.

Member of parliament

In parliament, Samarasinghe who has been a member of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) and several consultative committees including that of the Ministries of Finance, Industries, Investment Promotion, Labour and Education, believes that the country at present lacks a proper financial management system.

His passion to streamline the state finances was highlighted in parliament when he questioned the malpractices identified by the PAC during its investigations on management of state funds and called for the immediate implementation of the proposals formulated by the committee that were being held back at the time due to various "reasons."

Samarasinghe, who has a great conviction towards labour issues and labour rights, has been a member of the National Labour Advisory Council since 2004.

He has also represented the country at the International Labour Organisation (ILO) sessions in Geneva, sessions of the World Federation of Trade Unions, the 15th Cuban Convention and in many other international labour and trade union summits in China, India and Singapore.

Due to his exposure to international labour and economic issues and the knowledge acquired in economics through his own tertiary education, this young leader in the making pays great attention to the functions of the country's economy and the role of the legislature in its management and says that there are certain areas that need to be considered when managing an economy, which include wiping out corruption and wastage of public funds. He is of the view that the money saved through such measures should be utilised to provide more welfare measures to the people.

Economic disparities

Hailing from a district that is steeped in poverty, Samarasinghe sees the need to reduce the vast economic disparities between the regions. "Incomes of the low income earners have to be increased," he says.

An ardent believer that the youth in the country should be given a bigger role to play in the country's development, Samarasinghe feels that university students should be given the opportunity to work directly with society on various development project during their final year in the university, as it would be beneficial to them as well as to the country.

As the chief ministerial candidate, Samarasinghe says he will pay special attention to developing the road network, the irrigation system in the region, building a safety network together with the civilians in the threatened villages, and to develop the ancient cities without harming their historical value.

Samarasinghe firmly believes that a well-developed road network would help farmers to transport their produce to the market and that the irrigation system should be built in consultation with the farming community.

According to Samarasinghe, the farming community should be made stakeholders of the measures taken to uplift the agriculture sector in the region.

He also says that the education and health sectors of the province need special attention.

Education and health sectors

The education sector, which is considered the only salvation for the children languishing in the remotest parts of the region, according to Samarasinghe needs to be streamlined by making available the basic infrastructure facilities with special emphasis being paid to creating a proper psychological environment for the children to study.

Samarasinghe feels that in the health sector, the main needs of the rural hospitals need to be paid urgent attention, and an efficient system put in place to serve the community better.

Hailing from the ancient seat of kings, Samarasinghe also feels passionately about preserving the historical value of the two ancient cities, Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa. He is hoping to pay attention to preparing a proper town plan that would help develop the ancient cities while preserving their historical value.

Another area that needs special attention according to Samarasinghe, is the plight of the people in the threatened villages who have to bear the brunt of terrorism head on.

As a young leader, Samarasinghe says the youth in the country although ready to help the country's development process even by sacrificing their lives, have been purposely misguided. His message to them is to understand the real issues faced by the country, think of the future generations and understand the change that is needed to make their lives better. "Youth should play a decisive role in bringing in the change the country needs. There is a need to change the present social system and the youth need to understand that and stand for what is right," he says.

Also, showing gratitude to the force that brought him to his present position, Samarasinghe says he owes most of his achievements to his party.

North Central Province - the agrarian heartland

By Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema

The North Central Province (NCP), known over the centuries as Raja Rata was the seat of Sri Lanka's ancient kingdoms from pre-Christian times to the mid-12th century A.D.

Enriched with a great history, the NCP comprising the districts of Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa holds a special place in the country as the largest province in the Sinhala Buddhist heartland.

The NCP since the time of the ancient kings, has boasted of a robust agrarian economy.

In addition, the districts of Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa have a great history enriched with architecture, art, sculpture, learning and knowledge.

The timeless hydraulic engineering marvels in the province built by ancient kings transformed the dry-zone into a fertile land. Some of the famous irrigation systems include the Tissawewa, Nuwarawewa, Basawakkulama, Kalawewa, Minneriya and Parakrama Samudra.

Yala harvest

The availability of water for irrigation made the NCP one of the key paddy producing provinces in the country. According to the Census and Statistics Department (CSD), Anuradhapura District has produced 54,492 mt. of paddy while the Polonnaruwa District produced 221,598 mt.of paddy during the last Yala harvest

The prevailing security situation in the country has brought about a new employment opportunity for the youth in the NCP. The large number of threatened villages in the region has prompted many of the youth to join the civil defence force (CDF).

According to unconfirmed statistics, there are over 17,000 persons attached to the CDF in the Anuradhapura District alone.

However, despite the agrarian based economy and the new breed of CDF personnel, the two districts still remain under the country's official poverty line.

Below poverty line

The official poverty line at national level for May 2008 according to the CSD is Rs. 2825. The Anuradhapura District stands as the second poorest region in the country at Rs. 147 below the poverty line, at Rs. 2678. Polonnaruwa District stands at Rs. 2790, which is Rs. 35 below the poverty line.

The NCP, which is based on a rural economy, is faced with several issues ranging from a weak health sector to an education sector that needs much attention.

Most of the hospitals and schools located in the difficult areas in the province lack even the basic facilities. An issue unique to the province is the plight of the people in the threatened villages.

In the Anuradhapura District alone, there are 285 villages in 77 grama niladhari divisions categorised as threatened villages. People in these villages, which are under constant threat, are faced with severe hardships. Even the children are left to bear the brunt, as the education sector is one of the worst hit in these threatened villages.

Adverse impact

The security situation in the country has had an adverse impact on the functioning of schools in the two educational zones of Kebethigollewa and Dimbulagala.

Schools in the Dimbulagala education zone however are functioning even amidst fears of an escalation in violence. According to the Dimbulagala zonal education office, the 93 schools in the area were functioning as normal albeit fears of attacks by the LTTE.

Students in the Kebethigollewa zone have had to bear the brunt of the escalating violence when the security situation compelled the closure of eight of the 126 schools in the Kebethigollewa education zone in the province.

According to statistics at the provincial education office of the NCP, over 2,129 students were affected by the closure of schools in the zone.

Besides, electricity is still scarce while there is a severe shortage of drinking water that is also responsible for the high prevalence of kidney infections.

Difficult areas

Most of the schools are categorised as difficult area schools and lack even the basic facilities like electricity, water and toilets. Classes are conducted in cadjan sheds and in some instances students are left to study outdoors.

The province is considered pro-left, based on the results of the last presidential election. At this election, in the Anuradhapura District, the UPFA managed to garner (231,040) 55.08% of the votes while the UNP received (182,956) 43.62%. In the Polonnaruwa District, the UPFA received (110,499) 52.61% of the votes while the UNP received (97,142) 46.25%.

Anuradhapura has 569,398 registered voters while Polonnaruwa has 277,056 registered voters.

However, there has been a decline in the UPFA vote base following the defection of the JVP from the government. During the last local government elections in March 2006, the UPFA gained control of the Anuradhapura Municipal Council only by a slim majority of about 400 votes.

Sabaragamuwa - the land of gems and landslides

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti

Here is a province of contrasts- lush greenery, tea, rubber and gems coupled with arid features. In Sabaragamuwa, one finds them all.

Derived from the word 'Saffragam,' or the land of the sapphires, Sabaragamuwa Province is multi-faceted. Its reputation for the finest precious gemstones that even adorned the crown of the fabled Queen of Sheba is well documented, as the rubber and tea products of the unique province.

A lush green province endowed with nature's bounty, the two districts Ratnapura and Kegalle enjoy different characteristics. Kegalle, famous for its rubber industry and low country tea, is generally green and is also famous for ornithological pursuits. The district has nine electorates. They are Kegalle, Aranayake, Deraniyagala, Galigamuwa, Mawanella, Ruwanwella, Dedigama, Rambukkana and Yatiyantota.

The district enjoys a unique blend of all three communities, with tea and rubber growing electorates having a higher percentage of Tamils and in Mawanella, a strong Muslim presence.

Two geographical features

The other district, Ratnapura has two geographical features - arid and wet. World famous for its precious gemstones, the Balangoda Man or the fossils of a pre historic human form, Ratnapura has its wealth polarised. Importantly, some of the electorates form part of the unique Sinharaja Rain Forest. It is also home to the famous Adam's Peak, a revered place of worship.

The district is divided into eight electorates namely, Balangoda, Kalawana, Pelmadulla, Nivitigala, Ratnapura, Kolonna, Eheliyagoda and Rakwana.

Some areas are more difficult, like Embilipitiya and Kolonna where water is scarce and the weather harsh. But the more resourceful areas like Ratnapura, Pelmadulla and Nivithigala are lined with tea estates. There is a concentration of the wealthy in the main cities, and they find gem merchants a plenty.

Ratnapura's soil was once considered its wealth and fortune- for only here did the most rare gemstones spring. Its soil hence was much valued.

Disaster prone

But all the gem pits and the incessant digging have rendered Ratnapura the most disaster prone district in the country.

The district is yet to have a comprehensive disaster management scheme and flood control scheme put in place. For all the illustrious politicians the district has produced, little has been done to prevent it from qualifying for the islands' most disaster prone area.

A hub of leftist politics, the district produced Sri Lanka's first woman prime minister, Sirima Bandaranaike. Likewise, it was infamous during the outbreak of a bloody JVP led insurgency in 1987, with many considering Ratnapura to be the place where the seeds of dissention reached eruption stage.

It is also important to note that the JVP's emergence as a third political force took place in Ratnapura and Hambantota Districts with the largest number of JVP activists killed in the aftermath of the bloody insurgency hailing from the Ratnapura District.

While sanitation, electricity and healthcare plague the Kegalle District, Ratnapura often experiences water borne diseases, malaria and huge problems with regard to primary and secondary education. In Kegalle too, education is a largely neglected area.

Together, Ratnapura and Kegalle do not create a wealthy province, despite its natural resources though Kegalle manages to rise above the stipulated poverty line.

Poverty line

According to the Official Poverty Line (OPL) as of May 2008, the province has some 467,00 persons living below the official poverty line, contributing 16.6% of the poverty stricken population.

The OPL is Rs. 2,825 and Ratnapura stands at Rs. 2818 while Kegalle stands at Rs. 2893.

During the 2004 PC polls, the SLFP-JVP combine polled 213,619 votes and 185,112 votes in Kegalle winning the two bonus seats.

The UNP lagged behind polling 119681 votes in Ratnapura and 115,551 in Kegalle allowing the UPFA to sweep the boards in July 2004 to capture power in Sabaragamuwa.

At present, Ratnapura has 713,198 registered voters while Kegalle has 605,621 registered voters.

At the 2005 presidential election, out of the 555,074 total valid votes, the UPFA secured 294,260 (53.1%) in the Ratnapura District against the UNP's 252,838 - 45.55% of the total number of valid votes.

In Kegalle, both parties polled somewhat close, with the UPFA obtaining 239,184 while the UNP obtained 223,483 out of the 468,773 valid votes.

http://www.thesundayleader.lk/20080629/FOCUS.HTM