Thursday, July 3, 2008

New alliance may ease problems of Lankan govt

New alliance may ease problems of Lankan govt



By Frances Bulathsinghala

COLOMBO: Eight years ago Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pilliyan was a Tamil Tiger guerilla fighting in the jungles of the east and the Marxist –cum-Nationalist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna’s (JVP) Propaganda secretary,Wimal Weerawanse was storming political platforms in Colombo crying out for the annihilation of the LTTE.

The annihilation, in the totality promised by the government is yet to happen but what has occurred is that neither Sivanesaturai Chandrakanthan nor Wimal Weerawanse is in their respective organisations anymore. And what one would see soon is Sivanesaturai Chandrakanthan, now deputy leader of the political party the Tamil Makkal Viduthilai Pulikkal (TMVP) and Wimal Weerawanse parading on the same political platform. Crying out for a common cause.

Weeks after Wimal Weerawanse was ousted from the JVP and Sivanesaturai Chandrakanthan was appointed the chief minister of the eastern province by President Mahinda Rajapakse, the two have met in ultra secret talks.

Weerawanse, now having established his own JVP break-away political party calling itself the National Freedom Front (NFF) met at the party office in the suburb of Battaramulla last Saturday.

The meeting was kept secret till the last minute due to security considerations, political sources said confirming that the two had agreed to form an alliance to contest future elections together and ‘to cooperate in all other matters’.

The alliance comes as the JVP mainstream under the leadership of Somawanse Amarasinghe vowed to begin an all island trade union strike that is likely to further cripple Sri Lanka’s already gasping economy and further complicate the life of President Mahinda Rajapakse and his government.

Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) sources said it rejected a call from President Mahinda Rajapaksa for talks to avert a general strike planned by its trade unions demanding pay hikes amidst the soaring cost of living.

President Rajapaksa has been informed in writing that the strike action will be carried out on July 10 if the JVP trade unions’ demands are not met. Political analysts say that the link being established between the ex-JVPer Wimal Weerawanse and ex-LTTE rebel turned Eastern Chief Minister Chandrakanthan would be aimed at acting as a ‘buffer’ for President Rajapakse’s ailing government.

Meanwhile, commenting on the new found partnership, TMVP sources said the party was ‘obliged’ to Weerawanse for defending the paramilitary group for continuing to carry arms in the volatile east of the country.“

We are carrying arms because we are under threat from the LTTE and we have an obligation to support the former Propaganda Secretary of the JVP who came to our defence,” a TMVP source said. One reason for Wimal Weerawanse to be ousted from the JVP was his refusal to toe the party line demanding the disarming of the TMVP.

Meanwhile, political sources said the TMVP is to put forward proposals demanding police, land, educational and financial powers for the provinces. The proposals are to be handed over to the All Party Representatives’ Committee (APRC) deliberating a devolution of power as a political alternative to the Tamil ethnic question.

While political observers said it is yet to be seen how the TMVP and the NFF will ease the problems of President Mahinda Rajapakse and his government, the JVP mainstream is lambasting the appointment of Chandrakanthanas eastern Chief Minister claming it was carried out on the instigation of India., an allegation staunchly denied by the UPFA regime.
Never too late to listen to the party’s grassroots level members.



In the political playing field of electioneering, elections and voting, it should be the prime concern of the party hierarchy to listen to the party’s grassroot level members.



In the run-up to the provincial council elections of the Eastern Province , there was a strong feeling among the grassroot level party supporters and the influential Muslim Diaspora, the concerned external force of the Sri Lankan Muslim community, that the SLMC should accept the invitation of the UPFA to form the Alliance to contest the Eastern PC elections. Whether partnering with the UNP or UPFA was correct or not is not the context of this article.Whatever may have happened, the decision of the SLMC hierarchy failing to do so ultimately resulted in the Muslims loosing the opportunity of nominating a Muslim as the Chief Minister of the Eastern Province .



Nevertheless, arguments may be raised that the elections was rigged in order to make it possible for the TMVP to nominate Mr. “Pillayan’ as the Chief Minister by the UPFA alliance and the UNP/SLMC alliance could not out-beat the thuggery, violence and vote impersonation/ballot box filling by the UPFA/TMVP alliance, due to enormous preplanned pressure that was employed through all avenues by the government to win the elections. Notwithstanding that fact, the judicial review will give the final verdict in time to come.



On the other hand, the Muslim leaders of the East and the SLMC had their own reasons of the government “not listening” to their political requests and the infighting among the Eastern Muslims for selfish reasons resulted to the downfall of a consensus stand for “due consideration” to resolve the burning issues of the Muslims in the Eastern Province . Added to this was the political treachery of the so-called strong man of the SLMC and a former MP for Batticaloa which resulted in the divided camps of the block Muslim votes of the SLMC, the results – 8 Muslims PC members for the UPFA/TMVP alliance and 9 Muslim PC members for the UNP/SLMC alliance. The TRUTH – in “reality” 17 Muslim PC members of the SLMC.



But the simple fact remains that, both HE. Mahinda Rajapaksa and Hon. Basil Rajapaksa cannot deny the truth that they have wholeheartedly acknowledged the fact that the Muslims are a force to recon in the Eastern Province . They have also realized that, that “this force” is represented by the SLMC, be it any of the “so-called” Muslim groups or parties represented by dissident SLMC MP’s, now Ministers/Deputy Ministers in the UPFA government or SLMC break-away groups or Muslim civil society organizations or mosque trustee groups in the East. The main vote bank that has been split and shared by these ‘so-called” selfish politicians and individuals are actually the vote bank of the SLMC that remains intact in the North Eastern and Eastern Provinces since the advent of the SLMC on September 11th., 1981 when the SLMC was established at Kathankudy in the Batticaloa district under the Chairmanship of Marhoom A. L. Ahmed and when Marhoom M H M Ashraff was elected its Founder President. This Party was formed by a small group of Eastern province political leaders. In November 1986 the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress - SLMC was formally inaugurated as a political party at the "badsha" festival held in Colombo with the late Ashraff, as its Leader, a National Muslim Brokerage Party that has grown from a small group of Eastern political activists to what it is today, led under the leadership of the able political lieutenant and “junior” – Hon. Rauf Hakeem and his able party Secretary General – Hassanali.



The Sri Lankan Muslims have been throughout history a passive and peace loving community. Respect of the Rule-of-Law, belief in the democratic institutions and their functions and the judiciary have been their way of life, while national feelings have been at the highest level when the integrity of the nation and the sovereignty of the State has been challenged. As a community with a heritage in trade and commerce during the 18th., and 19th., century, today the Muslims of Sri Lankan have branched into many competitive professions to serve the cause of the Nation fully and with dedication and commitment. The biggest foreign exchange earner to the country are the Muslim women working as housemaids in the Middle East and the expatriate Muslim sons who toil in the middle east, not the garment exports or the tea trade that Sri Lankan can anymore boast of. What we lack to prove these arguments are statistical information and economical research studies that are the instruments of supporting evidence needed professionally in the modern world of commerce, trade and economics. This should be a challenge to the Muslim Peace Secretariat to take a look at if within their mandate.



Whatever false may be written about the Muslims in the East, the Muslims have always condoned violence and will never be influenced to take to arms as a way of struggle to win their legitimate fundamental rights. It is this tradition and culture of PEACE that has given the opportunity to the Muslim brokerage party – the SLMC to thrive even in non-Muslim areas like the Sabaragamuwa, North Central, Central and the Southern Provinces where there are large numbers of Muslims living scattered in harmony with the Sinhalese community.



Contradictory to the JVP – Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (the militant armed group of the Sinhalese, now turned democratic), PFLT - Peoples Front of Liberation Tigers ( the political party of the LTTE) and the TVMP – Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (the political party of the breakaway armed/paramilitary group of the LTTE in the East), the Muslims and the SLMC is pure and clear in it’s political struggle and campaign of abstaining from practicing “arms culture” like the above mentioned Sinhalese and Tamil political representations. Yet, the cry of the Sri Lankan Muslims to be treated equal and to be respected as equal citizens as guaranteed under the constitution, is a cry in the wilderness of democracy and good governance.



But now, this cry from the Muslim citizens/voters is not to call for attention from the would be “dons” of the governments since 1983, or at present to HE. Mahinda Rajapaksa, the incumbent President, but the cry is a call to the hierarchy of the Muslim political forces and the leaders of the Muslim community in Sri Lanka .



Why then is a The SLMC leadership has been under pressure from the party’s grassroot level members to contest the upcoming provincial council election under its ‘tree’ symbol in Anuradhapura and Kegalle without aligning with a major political party as stated to Muslim Guardian by the General Secretary, M.T. Hassan Ali (Muslim Congress to go it a lone, dateline Monday ,30 June 2008( Posted : 05:06:26GMT).



The puzzling statement that follows it saying “the party would contest the election in Polonnaruwa and Ratnapura along with the UNP as usual” confuses the Muslim citizens/voters in the Polonnaruwa and Ratnapura districts.

As a concerned Sri Lankan Muslim hailing from the East and domiciled aboard with a strong and longstanding background of political engagement and the struggle for the cause of the “Muslim Factor”, it is my humble opinion that the SLMC should try it’s best to refrain from aligning with any political block or national Political party to contest any elections or come to any political arrangements to contest elections in the future. This will be the best in the interest of the Sri Lankan Muslim community at large, Insha Allah. Times will change and the political scenarios will see new forces and strategies that will direct and navigate the destiny of Sri Lankan as time passes by, but the legitimacy and representation of the Muslim community in Sri Lankan will hold ground strong. The SLMC will be the final “National Brokerage Representative Entity” of the Sri Lankan Muslim community in the future, Insha Allah, if the would be political powers that may govern Sri Lankan need to consider a balance of power. The “mushroom” Minister groups, the so-called strongman crowds, the breakaway congresses, the Unity alliances, the henchmen who cling to political leaders to gain job assignments after every election for their well beings - all will disappear in time to come and the “TREE” will stand strong to provide the political shade of times to the Sri Lankan Muslim Community.

The flourishing leaves of the TREE will definitely be the party grassroot level members - the Muslim citizens and the Muslim voters.

Therefore Hon. Rauf Hakeem and the SLMC hierarchy should seriously consider even going it alone in the Polonnaruwa and Ratnapura districts. If at the worst, it is better for the SLMC NOT to field any Muslim candidates in alliance with the UNP as planned.

The political dividends that the Muslim community will gain and the benefits that may be seen after the Elections to the SLMC will be enormous, politically Insha Allah.

Let the SLMC not make the mistake of politically flirting with any group as it happened at the Eastern Provincial Council Elections. The SLMC should be independent and strong as it is. It is the political TREE of the Muslims of Sri Lanka. It should not become a political creeper at any cost.



Noor Nizam.

Sri Lankan Peace Activist

Canada .

Wednesday, July 2, 2008

Setting the stage for the PC polls

Setting the stage for the PC polls


Voters would be going to the polls one
year ahead of schedule and (inset)
Dayananda Dissanayake

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti, Arthur Wamanan
and Nirmala Kannangara

Following the dissolution of the North Central and Sabaragamuwa Provincial Councils, all main and peripheral political parties were busy finalising their nomination lists last week. The nomination period runs from June 27 to July 4.

The councils were prematurely dissolved following the chief ministers of both the provinces making representations to the President. The dissolution was also challenged in court only to be ruled that the dissolutions were in order.

As nominations are being finalised, the ruling UPFA coalition is yet to announce their chief ministerial candidates, though there is every chance that the government might field the same candidates, Berty Premalal Dissanayake and Maheepala Herath for the NCP and Sabaragamuwa respectively.

The UNP has managed to nominate one candidate - former army chief of staff turned diplomat, Janaka Perera as their chief ministerial candidate for the NCP. Sabaragamuwa proved a headache to the UNP with the original nominee, Upul Shantha Sannasgala backing out from the race even before he was officially recognised.

Chief ministerial candidates

The JVP is the only party to have announced the two chief ministerial candidates - Wasantha Samarasinghe for the NCP and Chameera Koswatte for Sabaragamuwa.

As parties scan candidates, the main opposition UNP told The Sunday Leader that two other main political parties - the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), the Western People's Front (WPF) and the SLFP (M) Group have lent their support to the UNP

The final announcement of the party's two chief ministerial candidates will be made at the UNP's working committee meeting scheduled for July 1. "All the three political parties and SLFP (M) will contest under one symbol. Our decision on the chief ministerial candidates would be taken on Tuesday, July 1," UNP General Secretary Tissa Attanayake told The Sunday Leader.

According to Attanayake a difficult task is ahead for the opposition parties as they would not only have to concentrate on winning the elections but also fight against government sponsored thuggery.

"The country witnessed as to how the government secured victory at the Eastern Provincial Council election. The entire government machinery was used to unleash violence and then the state media did full time free propaganda work. Even the Police Department clearly demonstrated their bias and went all out to assist the government campaign instead of maintaining law and order. We expect the government to do a repeat. We are certain of massive intimidation and rigging. That's the UPFA's trademark and they want to win at any cost," claimed Attanayake.

Win by hook or by crook

General Secretary, Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), Hassen Ali told The Sunday Leader that government ministers and their goon squads would undoubtedly try to win the two elections by hook or by crook.

"What was the need for the government to hold staggered elections? If the government claims that the two governors had to dissolve the provincial councils because they lacked a majority in the respective councils, then why didn't they dissolve the utterly corrupt and inefficient Wayamba PC and the Western PC?" asked Hassen Ali.

The WPF that has pledged support to the UNP, will not field candidates in the NCP but will field a single candidate each in Ratnapura and Kegalle.

WPF Leader Mano Ganesan said that the party saw eye to eye with the UNP on several issues and decided to work with them. " It is also the first time that we will contest in Sabaragamuwa," he added.

While political parties fine-tune their nomination lists, election monitors too have begun their ground work in both the provinces. Monitors such as the People's Action for Free and Fair Elections (PAFFREL) and Centre for Monitoring Election Violence (CMEV) have both commenced the initial work in order to carry out their monitoring activities during pre election and election periods.

Monitoring the polls

PAFFREL has already started to train 3,000 persons to do monitoring work in both the provinces.

PAFFREL Chief Kingsley Rodrigo said that around 2,500 persons would be selected to monitor the polls in both the provinces.

According to Rodrigo, 1,600 polling booths would be established in both provinces.

The 2,500 persons who are selected would also include mobile monitors who will travel to many of the booths in both provinces.

"Therefore, we cannot say how many monitors would be working in each province yet," he said.

The CMEV has also commenced preparatory work as nominations date draws near. The CMEV did not monitor the provincial council polls held in the east last May.

National Coordinator of CMEV, D.M. Dissanayake told The Sunday Leader that it had already started to look into the financial and other aspects necessary to commence monitoring activities.

Selection of candidates

"We will decide by July 4, after the nominations are filed," he said.

Meanwhile when queried on what basis the parties have decided to select candidates and whether there would be any youth participation at the forthcoming PC elections, UNP General Secretary, Tissa Attanayake said that all those who represented the previous councils would be given nominations while the rest would be selected from those who have promoted the party at grass root level together with other popular personalities.

"After offering the first slots to those who served the previous councils the rest would be selected from popular personalities and local organisers who have promoted the party at grassroot level," Attanayake explained.

Attanayake said that nomination lists would be finalised by July 1.

According to Hassen Ali, the SLMC has decided to contest with the UNP and will field one candidate from each of the four districts. "The SLMC has already nominated Ravuttar Neina Mohammad as their candidate for the Anuradhapura District. Candidates for Ratnapura, Kegalle and Polonnaruwa would be selected shortly," Ali stated.

Criteria for selection

When asked what their criteria would be when selecting candidates, Ali said that since there is no criteria in selecting candidates for the PC elections, the party would consider their political suitability and local acceptance.

He further said the party could get 60% of the votes from the four districts in the event the government holds free and fair elections.

"We paid several visits to the four districts and found that the people are now fed up with this administration and are eagerly waiting to expel the ruling party. They are also in fear as to whether there would be a repetition of the eastern poll and police interference this time round," Ali added.

Ali further said that the SLMC would go before courts in the event of the people not being given a chance to select their representatives in a free and fair election.

"The SLMC even filed a case against the Elections Commissioner for his failure to hold a free and fair election and to have it declared null and void. The Court of Appeal granted us leave to proceed, and the applications in respect of Ampara and Batticaloa are to be taken up on July 11 and 14 respectively. As such, we would not be reluctant to go before courts and challenge the results if the results are rigged once again," he noted.

Constitutional Council

Accusing the government of not appointing the Constitutional Council (CC), Ali reiterated the need to conduct free and fair polls. "Even the government would benefit if the independent commissions are appointed. Why is the government scared of appointing these commissions?" queried Ali.

Both the provinces are going to poll exactly a year ahead of the due date. Both Sabaragamuwa and the NCP were handsomely won by the UPFA coalition in July 2004.

In the Anuradhapura District, the UPFA secured 187,977 votes compared to the UNP's 89,166 votes. In Polonnaruwa the UPFA and the UNP obtained 91,067 and 54,534 votes respectively. In the Ratnapura District, the UPFA and UNP secured 213,619 and 119,681 votes respectively while in Kegalle, the UPFA polled 185,112 votes as opposed to the UNP's 115,551 votes.

The NCP will elect 31 members while Sabaragamuwa will elect 42 councillors.

Meanwhile, as nominations close on July 4 - next Friday, all parties are gearing themselves for their campaigns to be launched the week after.

Wasantha: JVP's NCP hopefulWasantha: JVP's NCP hopeful

By Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema

In a bid to bring in young blood into the forefront of politics, the JVP has nominated Herath Mudiyanselage Wasantha Samarasinghe as its chief ministerial candidate for the North Central Provincial Council.

Samarasinghe, a member of parliament who has raised his voice against corruption, wastage, malpractice in government, and economic mismanagement, gave up the legislature to contest the forthcoming NCP polls.

With a vision of creating an efficient financial management system that would help uplift the living standards of people in the most rural areas in the country, the young, enthusiastic Samarasinghe feels the urgent need to create a better tomorrow for the future generations.

Born on May 24, 1976, in Thambuttegama, Anuradhapura, Samarasinghe is the eighth in a family of 10. Samarasinghe's father is engaged in paddy farming and owns a shop in the Thambuttegama town and was earlier a government servant while his mother was a housewife.

Early education

He was educated at the Thambuttegama Primary School and completed his A/Levels at the Thambuttegama Central College. After receiving three A's and one B at the A/Level exam in 1996 in the commerce stream and ranking fifth in the district, the bright student was selected to enter the Kelaniya University to follow a degree in accountancy.

However, soon after his A/Levels, till he was called to the university, Samarasinghe worked at the People's Bank branch in Kebethigollewa, Anuradhapura for one and a half years where he says he gained a lot of knowledge on the workings of the state banking system. With the working experience and a yearning to learn more, Samarasinghe entered university in 1999.

As a youth, while engaged in school education, Samarasinghe and his friends believed in standing up for justice. On two occasions, it was he along with a few of his friends who managed to help the police capture several people who attempted to smuggle heroin into the Thambuttegama area.

"I was neither a quiet person nor one who was full of mischief as a child, but my friend and I always stood for what was right and was protective of our village community," he says.

Interest in politics

It was his desire to stand for justice and serve the people that made Samarasinghe enter politics. His interest in politics began with his desire to bring in a change to the country, which he feels is a great need even today given the unresolved issues by successive governments.

It was the 1994 elections that was the turning point in his life. According to him, when the change expected by everyone did not happen and the issues faced by the people continued to remain unresolved with democracy coming under threat, he and a few others felt the need to make a change.

In 1995, while studying for the A/Levels, the energetic youth with a vision to bring about a positive change to the country joined the JVP as a student member. He then continued to take part in party activities throughout his university career.

Although initially his family was a little reluctant to accept his choice of career, Samarasinghe managed to get the full backing of his family and considers it a blessing to have their support in his chosen field of politics.

Member of the students' union

While in university, Samarasinghe was a member of the students' union and in 2001 was appointed as the secretary of the Inter University Students' Union. In 2002 he was appointed as the president of the union, and in the same year, he captained the university's football team as well.

In 2002, he was also appointed as the head of the Mawbima Surakeeme Jathika Vyaparaya (Movement to Protect the Motherland).

After leaving the university in 2003, Samarasinghe joined the Socialist Students' Union and was later appointed as a member of the national steering committee.

Then came the big moment. In April 2004, Wasantha Samarasinghe entered parliament under the UPFA as a national list member of the JVP.

On June 26, 2004, he was also appointed as the secretary of the JVP's private sector trade union - the Inter Company Employees' Union (ICEU). Later, in 2007, he was appointed as the chairman of the ICEU.

Today he has become a leading figure in the trade union sector by heading many protests along with the working masses to protect their rights. Shouting slogans to win the demands of the working masses, he firmly believes that as a community that contributes to the country's economy, the working classes have to be treated justly.

Member of parliament

In parliament, Samarasinghe who has been a member of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) and several consultative committees including that of the Ministries of Finance, Industries, Investment Promotion, Labour and Education, believes that the country at present lacks a proper financial management system.

His passion to streamline the state finances was highlighted in parliament when he questioned the malpractices identified by the PAC during its investigations on management of state funds and called for the immediate implementation of the proposals formulated by the committee that were being held back at the time due to various "reasons."

Samarasinghe, who has a great conviction towards labour issues and labour rights, has been a member of the National Labour Advisory Council since 2004.

He has also represented the country at the International Labour Organisation (ILO) sessions in Geneva, sessions of the World Federation of Trade Unions, the 15th Cuban Convention and in many other international labour and trade union summits in China, India and Singapore.

Due to his exposure to international labour and economic issues and the knowledge acquired in economics through his own tertiary education, this young leader in the making pays great attention to the functions of the country's economy and the role of the legislature in its management and says that there are certain areas that need to be considered when managing an economy, which include wiping out corruption and wastage of public funds. He is of the view that the money saved through such measures should be utilised to provide more welfare measures to the people.

Economic disparities

Hailing from a district that is steeped in poverty, Samarasinghe sees the need to reduce the vast economic disparities between the regions. "Incomes of the low income earners have to be increased," he says.

An ardent believer that the youth in the country should be given a bigger role to play in the country's development, Samarasinghe feels that university students should be given the opportunity to work directly with society on various development project during their final year in the university, as it would be beneficial to them as well as to the country.

As the chief ministerial candidate, Samarasinghe says he will pay special attention to developing the road network, the irrigation system in the region, building a safety network together with the civilians in the threatened villages, and to develop the ancient cities without harming their historical value.

Samarasinghe firmly believes that a well-developed road network would help farmers to transport their produce to the market and that the irrigation system should be built in consultation with the farming community.

According to Samarasinghe, the farming community should be made stakeholders of the measures taken to uplift the agriculture sector in the region.

He also says that the education and health sectors of the province need special attention.

Education and health sectors

The education sector, which is considered the only salvation for the children languishing in the remotest parts of the region, according to Samarasinghe needs to be streamlined by making available the basic infrastructure facilities with special emphasis being paid to creating a proper psychological environment for the children to study.

Samarasinghe feels that in the health sector, the main needs of the rural hospitals need to be paid urgent attention, and an efficient system put in place to serve the community better.

Hailing from the ancient seat of kings, Samarasinghe also feels passionately about preserving the historical value of the two ancient cities, Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa. He is hoping to pay attention to preparing a proper town plan that would help develop the ancient cities while preserving their historical value.

Another area that needs special attention according to Samarasinghe, is the plight of the people in the threatened villages who have to bear the brunt of terrorism head on.

As a young leader, Samarasinghe says the youth in the country although ready to help the country's development process even by sacrificing their lives, have been purposely misguided. His message to them is to understand the real issues faced by the country, think of the future generations and understand the change that is needed to make their lives better. "Youth should play a decisive role in bringing in the change the country needs. There is a need to change the present social system and the youth need to understand that and stand for what is right," he says.

Also, showing gratitude to the force that brought him to his present position, Samarasinghe says he owes most of his achievements to his party.

North Central Province - the agrarian heartland

By Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema

The North Central Province (NCP), known over the centuries as Raja Rata was the seat of Sri Lanka's ancient kingdoms from pre-Christian times to the mid-12th century A.D.

Enriched with a great history, the NCP comprising the districts of Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa holds a special place in the country as the largest province in the Sinhala Buddhist heartland.

The NCP since the time of the ancient kings, has boasted of a robust agrarian economy.

In addition, the districts of Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa have a great history enriched with architecture, art, sculpture, learning and knowledge.

The timeless hydraulic engineering marvels in the province built by ancient kings transformed the dry-zone into a fertile land. Some of the famous irrigation systems include the Tissawewa, Nuwarawewa, Basawakkulama, Kalawewa, Minneriya and Parakrama Samudra.

Yala harvest

The availability of water for irrigation made the NCP one of the key paddy producing provinces in the country. According to the Census and Statistics Department (CSD), Anuradhapura District has produced 54,492 mt. of paddy while the Polonnaruwa District produced 221,598 mt.of paddy during the last Yala harvest

The prevailing security situation in the country has brought about a new employment opportunity for the youth in the NCP. The large number of threatened villages in the region has prompted many of the youth to join the civil defence force (CDF).

According to unconfirmed statistics, there are over 17,000 persons attached to the CDF in the Anuradhapura District alone.

However, despite the agrarian based economy and the new breed of CDF personnel, the two districts still remain under the country's official poverty line.

Below poverty line

The official poverty line at national level for May 2008 according to the CSD is Rs. 2825. The Anuradhapura District stands as the second poorest region in the country at Rs. 147 below the poverty line, at Rs. 2678. Polonnaruwa District stands at Rs. 2790, which is Rs. 35 below the poverty line.

The NCP, which is based on a rural economy, is faced with several issues ranging from a weak health sector to an education sector that needs much attention.

Most of the hospitals and schools located in the difficult areas in the province lack even the basic facilities. An issue unique to the province is the plight of the people in the threatened villages.

In the Anuradhapura District alone, there are 285 villages in 77 grama niladhari divisions categorised as threatened villages. People in these villages, which are under constant threat, are faced with severe hardships. Even the children are left to bear the brunt, as the education sector is one of the worst hit in these threatened villages.

Adverse impact

The security situation in the country has had an adverse impact on the functioning of schools in the two educational zones of Kebethigollewa and Dimbulagala.

Schools in the Dimbulagala education zone however are functioning even amidst fears of an escalation in violence. According to the Dimbulagala zonal education office, the 93 schools in the area were functioning as normal albeit fears of attacks by the LTTE.

Students in the Kebethigollewa zone have had to bear the brunt of the escalating violence when the security situation compelled the closure of eight of the 126 schools in the Kebethigollewa education zone in the province.

According to statistics at the provincial education office of the NCP, over 2,129 students were affected by the closure of schools in the zone.

Besides, electricity is still scarce while there is a severe shortage of drinking water that is also responsible for the high prevalence of kidney infections.

Difficult areas

Most of the schools are categorised as difficult area schools and lack even the basic facilities like electricity, water and toilets. Classes are conducted in cadjan sheds and in some instances students are left to study outdoors.

The province is considered pro-left, based on the results of the last presidential election. At this election, in the Anuradhapura District, the UPFA managed to garner (231,040) 55.08% of the votes while the UNP received (182,956) 43.62%. In the Polonnaruwa District, the UPFA received (110,499) 52.61% of the votes while the UNP received (97,142) 46.25%.

Anuradhapura has 569,398 registered voters while Polonnaruwa has 277,056 registered voters.

However, there has been a decline in the UPFA vote base following the defection of the JVP from the government. During the last local government elections in March 2006, the UPFA gained control of the Anuradhapura Municipal Council only by a slim majority of about 400 votes.

Sabaragamuwa - the land of gems and landslides

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti

Here is a province of contrasts- lush greenery, tea, rubber and gems coupled with arid features. In Sabaragamuwa, one finds them all.

Derived from the word 'Saffragam,' or the land of the sapphires, Sabaragamuwa Province is multi-faceted. Its reputation for the finest precious gemstones that even adorned the crown of the fabled Queen of Sheba is well documented, as the rubber and tea products of the unique province.

A lush green province endowed with nature's bounty, the two districts Ratnapura and Kegalle enjoy different characteristics. Kegalle, famous for its rubber industry and low country tea, is generally green and is also famous for ornithological pursuits. The district has nine electorates. They are Kegalle, Aranayake, Deraniyagala, Galigamuwa, Mawanella, Ruwanwella, Dedigama, Rambukkana and Yatiyantota.

The district enjoys a unique blend of all three communities, with tea and rubber growing electorates having a higher percentage of Tamils and in Mawanella, a strong Muslim presence.

Two geographical features

The other district, Ratnapura has two geographical features - arid and wet. World famous for its precious gemstones, the Balangoda Man or the fossils of a pre historic human form, Ratnapura has its wealth polarised. Importantly, some of the electorates form part of the unique Sinharaja Rain Forest. It is also home to the famous Adam's Peak, a revered place of worship.

The district is divided into eight electorates namely, Balangoda, Kalawana, Pelmadulla, Nivitigala, Ratnapura, Kolonna, Eheliyagoda and Rakwana.

Some areas are more difficult, like Embilipitiya and Kolonna where water is scarce and the weather harsh. But the more resourceful areas like Ratnapura, Pelmadulla and Nivithigala are lined with tea estates. There is a concentration of the wealthy in the main cities, and they find gem merchants a plenty.

Ratnapura's soil was once considered its wealth and fortune- for only here did the most rare gemstones spring. Its soil hence was much valued.

Disaster prone

But all the gem pits and the incessant digging have rendered Ratnapura the most disaster prone district in the country.

The district is yet to have a comprehensive disaster management scheme and flood control scheme put in place. For all the illustrious politicians the district has produced, little has been done to prevent it from qualifying for the islands' most disaster prone area.

A hub of leftist politics, the district produced Sri Lanka's first woman prime minister, Sirima Bandaranaike. Likewise, it was infamous during the outbreak of a bloody JVP led insurgency in 1987, with many considering Ratnapura to be the place where the seeds of dissention reached eruption stage.

It is also important to note that the JVP's emergence as a third political force took place in Ratnapura and Hambantota Districts with the largest number of JVP activists killed in the aftermath of the bloody insurgency hailing from the Ratnapura District.

While sanitation, electricity and healthcare plague the Kegalle District, Ratnapura often experiences water borne diseases, malaria and huge problems with regard to primary and secondary education. In Kegalle too, education is a largely neglected area.

Together, Ratnapura and Kegalle do not create a wealthy province, despite its natural resources though Kegalle manages to rise above the stipulated poverty line.

Poverty line

According to the Official Poverty Line (OPL) as of May 2008, the province has some 467,00 persons living below the official poverty line, contributing 16.6% of the poverty stricken population.

The OPL is Rs. 2,825 and Ratnapura stands at Rs. 2818 while Kegalle stands at Rs. 2893.

During the 2004 PC polls, the SLFP-JVP combine polled 213,619 votes and 185,112 votes in Kegalle winning the two bonus seats.

The UNP lagged behind polling 119681 votes in Ratnapura and 115,551 in Kegalle allowing the UPFA to sweep the boards in July 2004 to capture power in Sabaragamuwa.

At present, Ratnapura has 713,198 registered voters while Kegalle has 605,621 registered voters.

At the 2005 presidential election, out of the 555,074 total valid votes, the UPFA secured 294,260 (53.1%) in the Ratnapura District against the UNP's 252,838 - 45.55% of the total number of valid votes.

In Kegalle, both parties polled somewhat close, with the UPFA obtaining 239,184 while the UNP obtained 223,483 out of the 468,773 valid votes.

http://www.thesundayleader.lk/20080629/FOCUS.HTM

Monday, June 30, 2008

The possible outcomes of forthcoming Provincial Council elections

The possible outcomes of forthcoming Provincial Council elections “President Mahinda Rajapakse will not worry too much if Janaka Perera defeats the UPFA in NCP. The CM candidate, former private secretary of Mr Jinadasa, SLFP MP for Kekirawa, Berty Premalal Dissanayake is a known CBK loyalist. His son Duminda got married to the daughter of Di Mu, another CBK loyalist of the SLPF. President will enjoy the downfall of CBK loyalists and strengthen his grip in SLFP!”
____________________

by Kumara Kaluarachchi

(June 30, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian) He the president has dissolved the North-central (NCP) and Sabaragamuwa provincial councils. First (knee-jerk) reaction of the UNP is to go to courts to annul the dissolution. It failed big time. Next is to find candidates to contest. That is the time where some interesting scenarios took place.

UNP managed to bring in Major General Janaka Perera as the CM candidate for NCP. With number of victories over the LTTE under his belt, Janaka Perera seems to be an ideal candidate for the governing UPFA, who is waging a bitter war against LTTE at the moment. Quite interestingly, the UNP is against the war and represents ONLY a negotiated settlement. Is there a room for a battle hardened General who claims that defeating LTTE is a possible task in the UNP? Or the very same General who told us that defeating LTTE is his ambition and duty will shift his ideology to suit his leader???

Whatever it is, one can’t discount the unexpected political developments brought about by the entry of Janaka Perera. I wish to list the possible outcomes of the forthcoming elections, with regard to the presence of Janaka Perera in the scene.

1. UNP win both NCP and Sabaragamuwa provinces, starting an avalanche effect, forcing a general election. Ranil will form a government, Janaka Perera will be the defense minister. Everything is hunky- dory!

2. UNP win NCP and UPFA win Sabaragamuwa. Janaka Perera stuck as the Chief Minister of NCP (an equal to Mr Chanthrakanthan, AKA Pilliayn!!).

3. UNP loose both NCP and Sabaragamuwa and Janaka Perera will be the leader of the opposition of NCP (just like Mr Rauf Hakeem in the Eastern province).

4. UNP loose both NCP and Sabaragamuwa and some unknown chap from Anuradhapura scores more votes than Janaka Perera making a mockery of him in the eyes of general public.

As for my thinking, above four scenarios are the possible outcomes of the forthcoming elections, ONLY if LTTE does not do another “Lucky Algama” saga and bump off their old enemy, Janaka Perera, and making chaos in the country, thus killing two birds in one stone.

President Mahinda Rajapakse will not worry too much if Janaka Perera defeats the UPFA in NCP. The CM candidate, former private secretary of Mr Jinadasa, SLFP MP for Kekirawa, Berty Premalal Dissanayake is a known CBK loyalist. His son Duminda got married to the daughter of Di Mu, another CBK loyalist of the SLPF. President will enjoy the downfall of CBK loyalists and strengthen his grip in SLFP!

Coming back to the running mates of Janaka Perera, he must be very happy to contest the election under the UNP ticket where the CM candidate of Sabaragamuwa is going to be “one shot” Ranjan Ramanayake. Folks, I do not have to say anything about one shot Ranjan. Just do your own Google search to find out that he has at least One rape case, one child molesting case filed by the Child and woman protection bureau of Sri Lanka and several other cases for non-settling of bills against him, one time or another, during past few years.

Knowing Sri Lankan electorate, I am sure Ranjan will score more votes than Janaka Perera. Perhaps (if there is a chance for him to form a new government) Ranil will appoint Ranjan as the Minister of defense, bypassing Janaka Perera!

http://www.srilankaguardian.org/2008/06/possible-outcomes-of-forthcoming.html

Wednesday, June 18, 2008

Why Mahinda said Colombo failed in the propaganda fight against the LTTE…

“We have failed in the propaganda fight……”

This is a statement made by Mahinda in an interview with “The London Times” while he was in London recently. He further said that the reason behind the poor international reputation for his government could be attributed to the clever propaganda machinery of the LTTE.

If Mahinda says that his government has failed in the propaganda fight against the LTTE, then the blame entirely rests on the persons involved in the propaganda against LTTE.

Before Mahinda went to London and made this statement, about two years ago the late LTTE political wing leader Thamilselvan, said in a Shakthi TV programme after returning from the last peace talks in Geneva.

“ The Sri Lanka government is very cleverly manning the propaganda network to sling mud at us. Blame us. Therefore internationally we are facing an uneasy situation and it affects our organization disadvantageously ….”

This statement made by the LTTE political wing leader after returning from the Geneva Peace talks through Shakthi TV was dubbed with Sinhala sub-titles.

During the time when Thamilselvan made that statement the LTTE was violating the ceasefire agreement and blasting claymore bombs to kill Sri Lankan soldiers.

Mahinda Rajapaksa and his government repeatedly said that they bearing those violations for the sake of achieving peace since the door was open for the LTTE to talk peace.

The international community respected the patience of Mahinda Rajapaksa and took steps to tighten the grips on the LTTE and corner them. The European Union decided to ban LTTE.

Several countries, including Canada and Australia were considering banning the LTTE in their countries. United States through FBI was laying a dragnet to corner the LTTE as international arms traffickers. The US has taken action against TRO which was amassing funds for LTTE under cover of the Tsunami.

Not only the United States , but even Canada had taken steps to take before courts, politicians, civil organizations, and professionals on charges of collecting funds for the LTTE,

At that point of time there was a mounting international “Unceasing Wave” against LTTE. While the LTTE was launching assaults on the Sri Lankan Military bases in the North and East in 2000. an unceasing international onslaught was being mounting against the LTTE.

If Mahinda and his government had little more patience the LTTE would have got swept away along with that wave.

Since they found it impossible to swim against this current of the unceasing wave, Thamilselvan said that the government’s clever propaganda machine, affected the LTTE adversely.

The LTTE closed the sluice gates at Mavilaaru, Seruwila in Trincomalee aiming at stopping this unceasing wave and to reverse it.

Truly that unceasing trend stopped when the Sri Lankan armed forces launched an offensive against LTTE to get this sluice gates open.

Subsequently the government closed the door for peace firmly when it dissolved the Ceasefire Agreement prevented the Norway peace envoys from entering Wanni.

Then only did the international community turn their unceasing wave against the government. The Mavilaaru sluice gates created this turning point.

But if the government says that this change accord due to the clever propaganda machinery of the LTTE then that is quite a deception.

The LTTE did have a very clever propaganda machinery led by the former LTTE mentor Anton Balasingham. But when the LTTE guns were aimed at the Tamils in the North and East and they were ordered not to vote at the 2005 presidential elections, not only did the ideologies of Balasingham but also his once clever propaganda machinery collapsed.

At that point of time the international community was carefully watching to see how the Northern and Eastern Tamil people would be vote

But the LTTE Leader Prabhakaran ordered the Tamils in the North and East not to vote. And the European Union heard loud and clear that the LTTE prevented the Tamils in the North and East voting with the power of the gun.

The European Union heard how the LTTE had severed the hand of the woman who exercised her universal franchise. And then the European Union decided to ban the LTTE since it had prevented the Tamils from voting at the presidential elections. They also despised with disgust the vote prevention decision.

When the presidential election results were announced the LTTE international propaganda machinery was left high and dry without knowing what to say or what to do.

It was then the LTTE propaganda machinery announced to the world

“Look, the Sinhala people voted to power a leader who is against peace as president…”

The world in one voice asked another question “Why have you floated a repressive campaign to defeat the peace loving presidential contender by ordering the Tamils not to vote? Does this arrogant attitude pronounces that you (LTTE) too are against peace….”

That was why even unwillingly Thamilselvan accepted that his move has created a disadvantageous situation internationally.

This disadvantageous situation was not created by the government propaganda machinery. The situation was created due to firstly, LTTE ordering the Tamils not to vote at the presidential elections and secondly, the persistent ceasefire violations by LTTE.

But Thamilselvan could not say this in public. He just saved face by saying that the LTTE was affected by the adverse propaganda launched against them.

Today Mahinda Rajapaksa publicly admits that the government’s propaganda machinery has miserably failed. He gives as reasons for this failure the superior and clever propaganda network of the LTTE.

The true reason is not the LTTE’s superior propaganda stance, but the true reason indeed has been the rash and evasive decisions taken by Mahinda without much forethought.

Sunday, June 1, 2008

The Killing of T.M.V.P Leader Shanthan in Kaathaankudi

The morning of Thursday May 22nd saw a comic scene being enacted in Colombo. Devouring humble “kanji” (porridge) before his excellency President Mahinda Rajapakse was the “honourable” Mohamed Lebbe Alim Mohammed Hisbullah.

The reputed party-hopper from Kaathaankudi was being sworn in as a minister of the eastern provincial council headed by Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pillaiyan.


[M.L.A.M. Hisbullah]

Becoming a provincial minister would be regarded by many as going up the ladder but for Hisbullah it was a case of coming down as the ambitious eastern Muslim politico had aspired for the chief minister post.

In his unprincipled quest for power , Hisbullah had delved deep into communalism and widened the chasm between the Tamil and Muslim communities of the eastern province.

Blinded by his myopic vision of assuming the eastern province chief minister portfolio “Janab” Hisbullah had for a brief period of time engaged in a vainglorious performance that would have surely made “the angels weep”.

After issuing many threats and making several demands Hisbullah like Orson Welles in “The Magnificient Ambersons” had had his “come - uppance”.

The “Sultan of somersaults” was in Colombo grinning from ear to ear as he took oaths before the President as the provincial minister in charge of Health, indigenous medicine, social welfare,probation and child care services, Women’s affairs,Youth Affairs, Sports, Information Technology education, Co-operative development, Food supply and distribution for the eastern province.

Whatever the power and extent of minister Hisbullah’s portfolios there is no denying that Humpty Dumpty had had a great fall.

After clashing bitterly with the Government for appointing Pillaiyan and not himself as chief minister the chameleonic Hisbullah was now reconciled with the regime and ready to work closely for the betterment of the east with “sahodarar” (Brother) Pillaiyan .

Power hungry, unprincipled politicians like Hisbullah may be prepared to turn and twist readily and speedily but the forces they unleash in their bid for power are not contained or transformed so easily.

The reconcilatory atmosphere in Colombo was not prevalent in Hisbullah’s native Kaathaankudi (K’kudi). All was not quiet on the eastern front.

Basking in the warmth of President Rajapakse’s benevolent smile, Hisbullah was apparently in blissful ignorance of what was going on in his hometown when all hell broke loose there.

There had been a killing actually a double killing in K’kudi of two Tamils. This in turn had evoked violent reprisals in neighbouring Aaraiyampathy (A’pathy). Three Muslims were killed. Around fifteen were injured. Some had been abducted. Buses were stoned. Muslim traders were threatened in Batticaloa town.

A major Tamil - Muslim conflagration was ready to envelope the east.

Within hours President Rajapakse saw to it that Hisbullah was put on a special flight and sent to the east as a trouble - shooter.

Hisbullah together with his chief minister Pillaiyan embarked upon the unenviable task of cooling communal passions.

Both men had positioned themselves as champions of their respective ethnicities during the election campaign.

Both had appealed to primordial feelings in a bid to garner more votes.

After splitting the Tamil and Muslim communities further to enhance their political standing both men had now come together to share the spoils. Both were now “united” and going through the motions of peacemaking.

The fundamental fault however does not lie with Pillaiyan or Hisbullah in “ethnicising” the politics of the east. The blame has to be laid fairly and squarely with the Rajapakse regime.

Instead of forging ethnic amity through a multi - ethnic coalition the United People Freedom Alliance (UPFA)had cynically exploited the ethnic divide by promising both Pillaiyan and Hisbullah the chief minister post if the members of their respective ethnicities voted for them.

Now the chickens were coming home to roost!

The littoral in Eastern Batticaloa district is often referred to in poetic terms as “Eluvaankarai” or shore of the rising sun. Ethnic Tamil and Muslim villages and towns are interspersed along this picturesque coastal strip.

The adjacent existence of Tamil and Muslim villages has often evoked the imagery of a “puttukkulal” or pittu bamboo where the flour and coconut are packed in layers on top of the other.

This geographical proximity along with usage of a common mother tongue and also shared cultural attributes like the “kudi” or clan system have forged strong bonds between the “Tamil speaking people” of the East.

Yet with ethnic relations deteriorating in recent times this very proximity and shared heritage itself has at times caused tensions and strife. An important bone of contention has been land.

While Tamils dominate hinterland areas to the west of the lagoon known as “Paduvaankarai” or shore of the setting sun, Muslims are concentrated mainly along the “Eluvaankarai”littoral..

Their areas of Muslim habitation are less while population density is more. It is said that Muslims are roughly 30 % of B’caloa district population but own only about 2 % of the land.

This leads to great need for more land among Muslims. The escalation of the ethnic problem has virtually cut off Muslims from the fertile paddy fields, coconot groves and lands for animal husbandry in the hinterland.

Muslims are therefore compelled to seek space for expansion among traditional Tamil areas.

Kaathaankudi is a Muslim village sandwiched in between the Tamil villages of Aaraiyampathy (known earlier as Aaraipathai) and Manjanthoduvaai.

Situated to the South of Batticaloa town along the Kalmunai road, Kaathaankudi has now developed into a booming township. K’kudi has the highest population density and birth rate in Sri Lanka. .

The growth and development of K’kudi has often resulted in tensions with neighbouring Tamil villages. The large population confined to a small area is naturally forced to expand beyond its original boundaries.

The Tamil “liberation” struggle has caused many Tamil villages to become neglected and impoverished. Muslim areas like K’kudi have flourished.

K’ kudi muslims have gradually expanded into Tamil territory. In many instances they have bought Tamil properties.

Earlier K’kudi and A’ pathy were part of the same AGA or Pradeshiya division. It was re- demarcated some years ago on ethnic lines.

The demarcation left much to be desired as Tamil and Muslim lands were inter - mingled in border areas.This contributed to much discord and dissatisfaction among both communities.

It is against this backdrop that the recent anti - Muslim violence in the region should be viewed.

It was around 11. 45 am on May 22nd that two stalwarts of the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Puligal (TMVP) on a motor cycle stopped briefly at Kaathaankudi (K’kudi).

They were both on their way along the Batticaloa - Kalmunai road to Aaraiyampathy (A’Pathy) from Batticaloa.

One of the men was Sashidaran alias “Shanthan” or “Aaraippathai Shanthan” of the TMVP. He was the TMVP leader for Aaraiyampathy Assistant Government Agent (AGA) division known officially as Manmunaipatru.

The other was Parasuraman alias Tharshan from Nochimunai who was a sidekick of Shanthan and doubled as a bodyguard cum aide.

While Shanthan remained on the motor cycle ,Tharshan who was on the pillion got down and went to a shop near the bus stand. He bought two cigarette packets and a chocolate slab and returned to the vehicle.

Since there were a few other customers there had been a delay of some minutes to complete the transaction.

The motor cycle was about to take off when some youths on motor cycles blocked it. At the same time a few other youths wearing caps started chasing passers - by and by - standers away from the vicinity.

Shanthan then tried to turn his vehicle about 90 degrees and circumvent the obstacles. Tharshan got off the pillion to make the manouevring easier for his boss. Both were unarmed.

Suddenly two youths with T - 56 assault rifles began firing from the side of a small mosque called Zain Moulana Thaikka. As people screaming in fear fled the scene the TMVP’s Tharshan clambered back on the vehicle again. Both were hit.

Despite the injuries Shanthan managed to steer the motor cycle on to the main road and rode off to the South towards A’pathy.

The gun toting youths gave chase and fired away.

Unconfirmed reports say there were at least two bursts of sustained firing near the Masthijul Hasanath Thaikka mosque and the Meera Balika school.

At one stage Tharshan fell off the vehicle on to the road. .

Shanthan went on riding for a further distance almost near the A’pathy border and then collapsed. This was seen by TMVP cadre near the border.

Then the TMVP cadres from the A ‘pathy office streamed out firing in the air. The gun - toting youths from K’kudi fled . The TMVP cadre retrieved the bodies of Tharshan and Shanthan.

Both were then taken to Batticaloa reportedly with protection provided by the Special Task Force (STF). There is a STF camp close to the TMVP office in A’pathy.

Though the incident had upset routine life in K’kudi and A’pathai for a while normalcy began prevailing rapidly.

It was shortly after 1.00 pm that Shanthan was pronounced dead at the B’caloa teaching hospital. Tharshan was pronounced dead upon admission.

When they heard the news about Shanthan frenzied TMVP cadres went on the rampage against Muslims.

According to TMVP sources this was due to the suspicion that Shanthan had been killed by an armed Muslim group from K’kudi. The TMVP suspects that this “Jihadist” group is heavily influenced by Wahabism.

Ironically many Karuna faction cadres themselves helped this group enhance its firepower when they defected from their parent organization the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in 2004.

Many sold their guns and ammunition to radical Muslim youths. Some even provided clandestine training in firearms for a fee.

The blunder made by the TMVP in seeking revenge against the armed group responsible for the killing was that instead of identifying the perpetrators specifically they were targeting the community at large.

Unleashing violence against innocent civilians under any circumstances needs to be condemned vehemently.

Roughly around 1. 15 pm several TMVP members at Aaraiyampathy came out on the B’caloa - Kalmunai road and started firing at people known to be Muslims.

Since life had returned to normal there were some Muslims from K’kudi in A’pathy. Some were doing business.They were taken by surprise when the TMVP commenced firing.

One of those killed was the highly respected K’kudi businessman Sultan Muhammed Munsoor known popularly as AFRA Munsoor on account of his travel agency AFRA Travels.

42 year old AFRA Munsoor had come to the AGA office in A’pathy and was doing some purchasing at the market when he was shot dead.

Another man from K.kudi , 51 year old M. Abdeen was also shot dead at A’pathy by TMVP cadres. Abdeen was a petty trader who rode a bicycle selling tea.

The TMVP goons also fired at vehicles plying on the B,caloa - Kalmunai road.

One vehicle hit was a lorry (WP PA 9421) belonging to the CEB. Among people injured in this incident were a Sinhala woman and an old Muslim woman.

A van owned by Alli company manufacturing pappadams was also shot at. A Muslim salesman and Sinhala driver were injured.

While this firing was going on another group of TMVP cadre with guns and swords and knives began roaming the neighbourhood in search of Muslims. People living in Tamil - Muslim border or mixed areas fled to other places or kept indoors.

Places like Keechaanpallam, Kaankeyan Odai, Poonochimunai, Ollikkulam, Paalamunai and housing schemes like Karbala nagar and Sigaram were affected as TMVP cadres fired at random.

52 year old T. Farook a fisherman cum labourer from Kaangeyan Odai was hacked to death by TMVP mobs on Kaattumaavadi road.

A shop at Kaangeyan Odai junction was set on fire along with a three - wheeler. The shop was owned by a Muslim , Ansar.

As TMVP violence increased some Muslim youths in K’kudi also formed themselves into groups to protect the community. A few Tamils in the border areas were attacked.

Tamil and Muslim armed groups began stopping vehicles going along the B,caloa - Kalmunai road and assaulting identified members of the other community.

TMVP cadres in white vans began scouring the roads in search of Muslims. Many Muslims escaped by seeking refuge in Police stations and security force camps.

Rumours began spreading that a number of Muslims had been taken off buses at Kallady by the TMVP and killed. The bodies were thrown into the lagoon at Kallady bridge the rumours said. These were proved false.

Two Muslims were abducted by the TMVP at Eravoor when they went to pay their electricity bills. They were 37 year old Cassim Lebbe and 19 year old Abdul Hashim Haneer. Both were supporters of the Muslim Congress.

TMVP cadres also ran riot in B’caloa town. There is a small Muslim colony in the heart of B’caloa town along Sinna Lebbe Street and the area known as Aameen corner. Most of them are businessmen and their families.

Shortly after 2. 00 pm TMVP cadre armed with batons and rods began attacking these helpless , innocent people. Calling them derisively as “Kaakka” the TMVP cadres ordered them to quit B’caloa town.

Many people including elderly persons were mercilessly assaulted. An owner of a grocery sustained serious injuries in the neck and had to be hospitalised.

The Muslims shouting “Allah, Allah” ran for safety to the Jumma Masjid mosque. Some TMVP cadres continued to beat them.

The STF and Police had been strangely inactive for about an hour or so in the initial stages. But the security personnel became active after 2 .30 pm. It was as if some “time” had been given unofficially to the TMVP to retaliate for the killing of Shanthan and Tharshan.

The situation began improving rapidly after the Police and STF got into action. A Police curfew was declared at 3. 30 pm.

Innocent civilians were given protection. Security escort was provided to vehicles. Stranded people of both communities were taken safely to their homes.

Rampaging TMVP cadres were brought under control. Security personnel began patrolling streets and roads. TMVP cadre were prevented from venturing outside their offices and camps.

Five persons comprising two Tamil TMVP members and three innocent Muslim civilians had been killed on Thursday. Around 50 - 60 persons had sustained injuries.

Fifteen of these required hospitalisation at B’caloa and K’kudi. Eleven were Muslims, two Sinhalese and two Tamils. An overwhelming number of those with minor injuries were Muslims.

Meanwhile the newly appointed eastern chief minister Pillaiyan was under strong pressure to take appropriate action. Muslim Congress chief Rauff Hakeem telephoned Pillaiyan and urged him to bring the situation under control.

A group of prominent Muslim clergy and Laity from K’kudi converged late afternoon on 22nd at the Methaipalli Jumma mosque to discuss ways and means of rectifying the situation.

This was followed by a peace conference later in the evening at the residence of the most Rev Kingsley Swampillai the catholic Bishop of Batticaloa-Trincomalee. Several Muslim dignitaries from K’kudi and top Police officials attended.

[From the war front to the the Political table: Eastern province chief Minister Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan listens to the speeches at the 24 th Chief Ministers, May 31-pic:Sundaytimes.lk]

Chief minister Pillaiyan sent some TMVP representatives. These included Pillaiyan’s personal assistant Ragu, media spokesperson Azad Moulana and two senior TMVP members Seelan and Jeyanthan.

An agreement was reached by both sides to stop all violence and discuss the issues involved with a view to resolving them peacefully.

The Bishop was also a signatory to this agreement. Jeyanthan was nominated as liaison officer between the TMVP and the K’kudi mosque federation.

There was however some violence in the night at B’caloa town. A muslim owned wholesale provisions shop on Pansala road was ransacked of about 12 lakh rupees worth of goods and set on fire.

Attempts were made to set fire to two Muslim owned textile establishments “Sattar tex” and “Marliyas”. Concerted action by the owners and security forces prevented the fire from engulfing the shops.

The arrival of Hisbullah and constant pressure from Colombo saw a refreshing development on Friday 23rd. In a commendable gesture Hisbullah brought Pillaiyan and some of his deputies to the Meera Jumma grand mosque.

This was the same mosque where 103 Muslims were massacred in cold blood while worshipping by the LTTE in 1990. After Prayers Pillaiyan addressed the gathering where he tendered a public apology for the violence unleashed by his TMVP cadres.

He promised that there would be no violence against Muslims in the future. The arch political rivals Hisbullah and Pillaiyan then embraced each other in an act of rapprochement.

However on that night many Muslim dwellings in the Sigaram housing scheme were set on fire.

The funerals of the three Muslim civilians were held at Kaathaankudi and Kaankeyan Odai.

The funerals of the two slain TMVP members were held in their own villages Araiyampathy (Shanthan) and Nochimunai (Tharshan).

They were buried at the “Meenagam” grounds.

TMVP cadres tried to enforce a hartal on saturday in honour of the Slain TMVP members. But Police and STF personnel got the shopkeepers to open up for business.

TMVP cadres stopped vehicles at Thalankudah on May 24th and assaulted Muslim businessmen.. This led to Muslim businesses being closed in protest at K’kudi and B’caloa.

Tension was also building up over the abducted Muslims from Eravoor. B’caloa’s TMVP mayor Sivageetha Prabakharan revealed that the abducted Muslims were safe and that they would be released on Sunday May 25th.

When this did not happen as pledged the Muslims of Eravoor declared a hartal in protest on Sunday May 25th.

When vehicles continued plying on the roads , three buses from the Vaazhaichenai depot bearing the numbers NA 4581, NA 1367 and NA 4984 were stoned by Muslim youths at Eravoor.

Two conductors and seven passengers including a mother and daughter were injured.

In a separate development two Muslim traders SH Mustapha (44) and Sinna Lebbe (43) from the Muslim area of Meerankerny were abducted by TMVP cadres in the Tamil area of Iyankerny.

The TMVP abductors were in a white van and on three motor cycles.

This led to reprisals from the people of Meerankerny.

An armed mob moved from Meerankerny to Iyankerny to unleash violence on the innocent Tamil civilians as revenge for the TMVP abductions. This caused the Tamil population fleeing to Chenkallady.

The situation may have deteriorated further but for prompt action by the Eravoor Police. A police curfew was imposed at 2 pm and the armed mobs were dispersed after firing in the air.

[Pillayan and Hisbullah in a friendly handshake on Friday May 17th morning before the ’split’ in the evening:Pic-sundayTimes.lk]

A special security conference was held where Hisbullah, TMVP representatives and senior Police officials participated.

Acting on a tip - off the Police also raided the TMVP office at Kommathurai and rescued the abducted Muslims from Eravoor. They had been assaulted and bore injuries. The TMVP official in charge of the office was taken into custody.

As the week progresed the situation began to improve and gradually an uneasy state of normalcy was ushered in.

The prospects for durable peace remain dim because the fundamental grievances of the TMVP and K’kudi Muslims have not been redressed.

The TMVP cadres responsible for killing Muslims and engaging in anti - Muslim violence have not been charged.

Likewise those responsible for the killing of Shanthan and Tharshan have not been identified and penalised.

Though the LTTE has been blamed in certain circles the TMVP has not accused the tigers openly.

This is because the TMVP firmly believes an armed Muslim group was responsible. There may have been a tiger connection but the actual act seems to have been planned and executed by Muslim youths.

Police sources also believe a Muslim group was responsible.

This columnist also spoke to some residents of Kaathaankudi by telephone . According to these sources Shanthan was hated in K’kudi as a notorious anti - Muslim person.

There had been a long history of animosity.

39 year old Shanthan whose real name is Palanithamby Sashidaran belongs to a socio - culturally backward community from Aaraiyampathy. He had at one time worked as a labourer for a rich Mudalali in K’kudi.

This experience had embittered him and thereafter he nursed a grievance against Muslims. This feeling was exacerbated by the general mood of Aaraiyampathy vis a vis Kaathaankudi.

Sashidaran had joined the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization (TELO) and functioned under Robert (different to the EPRLF Robert from Jaffna) who also hailed from Aaraiyampathy. Later he had joined the splinter group under Varathan.

The Varathan group of the TELO like that of the EPRLF - Razeek group and PLOTE - Mohan group worked closely with the security forces against the LTTE in the east.

Varathan was killed by the LTTE after the ceasefire of Feb 23rd 2002. Thereafter Sashidaran alias Shanthan was drifting.

When “Col” Karuna of the LTTE revolted and formed the TMVP Shanthan was encouraged by the intelligence apparatus to team up with the TMVP.

This Shanthan did and soon became the TMVP area leader for Aaraiyampathy. Recently when local authority polls were held to the Manmunaipatru Pradeshiya Sabha , it was Shanthan’s wife Christina who topped the TMVP list and was elected chairperson.

Given Shanthan’s hatred towards K’kudi Muslims there was always simmering tension. Muslim traders were intimidated into paying “kappang” to the TMVP.

Apart from extortion, Shanthan also tried to evict Muslims from border areas and supplant them with Tamil settlers.

Shanthan began inciting Tamils of A’pathai against K’kudi Muslims. Many of the shops and market stalls in A’pathy were owned by K’kudi Muslims. Besides there was this feeling that the growth of K’kudi was slowly strangulating A’pathy.

Adjacent Tamil areas like Paalamunai, Kaankeyan Odai, Ollikulam. Keechaan Pallam etc had a strong Muslim presence now. Kankeyan Odai for instance had become 100% Muslim.

New Muslim colonies like Karbala nagar and Sigaram housing scheme etc were strongly resented by the TMVP.

There was fertile ground for mobilising Aaraiyampathy Tamils on grounds of ethnicity against Kaathaankudi. It is always easy to whip up hatred against the “other”.

It must also be remembered that the TMVP is an off - shoot of the LTTE. The LTTE mobilises Tamils against the “Sinhala” state. The TMVP mobilises Eastern Tamils against Northern Tamil hegemony.

Since the party is now the lapdog of Colombo the TMVP cannot whip up hatred against the Sinhala people. But it is always possible to target Muslims . It is even more easier in A’pathy which is both resentful and fearful of neighbouring K’kudi.

The tsunami of Dec 26th 2004 and the military activity in re-taking LTTE controlled territory in the east resulted in a large number of internally displaced persons.

Shanthan re- settled many such Tamil IDP’s in the border areas of Aaraiyampathy - Kaathaankudi. This led to much friction with the K’kudi Muslims.

Violence escalated and there was a crisis early last year. Finally the 23 - 3 commander at that time Col. Subasinghe had to intervene. He promised Muslims that Shanthan would be transferred out of Aaraiyampathy.

After lying low for a while Shanthan returned to his old position in A’pathy. Once again there was Tamil - Muslim friction.

This state of affairs reached a nadir on Jan 12th this year when Shanthan fired at Muslims returning after evening worship at the Karbala nagar mosque. Three persons including a Moulavi were injured.

Complaints were made to the Police and eye - witnesses identified Shanthan as the perpetrator. Yet no action was taken and Shanthan was a free bird.

This led to strong resentment in K’kudi among Muslim youths. A plot was hatched to assassinate Shanthan when possible.

Such an opportunity presented itself on May 22nd when Shanthan stopped at K’kudi with Parasuraman alias Tharshan.

Given the enmity towards him in K’kudi it was a foolhardy or exceptionally brave act on Shanthan’s part to have lingered there without any firearms.

His assassins succeeded in killing him though the operation was somewhat amateurish and clumsy.

Yet the killing at Kaathaankudi is viewed as an act of provocation by the TMVP .

One cannot see the TMVP rest until it gets its revenge.

Also innocent Muslim victims of TMVP violence must gain justice.

Thus the chances of a durable peace seem flimsy at the moment.

It would be appropriate to end this piece with an extract from an article written to “The Sunday Leader” last year. It is applicable in the current context too.

“The socio - political situation of the East can lead to more Tamil - Muslim friction in the future. Kaathaankudi and Aaraiyampathy may be the future flashpoints of tension. The TMVP could deliberately promote anti - Muslim feelings to consolidate its hold on the Tamil people. Muslim politicians could incite Muslims for short term gain.In a worse case scenario the security forces with their familiar divide and rule tactics could encourage divisive communal trends.”

What was written a year ago sums up in a nutshell the current situation also.

DBS Jeyaraj can be reached at djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com