Examining a post-Prabakaran scenario

For many years in Sri Lanka’s politico-military landscape, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) have been the predators, preying on members of the government, the security establishment, the administrative apparatus, non-LTTE politicians, and so on. A remarkable reversal in recent times has seen the predator becoming prey. Carefully coordinated action by the Sri Lankan security forces has seen the Tigers being targeted at many different levels. From destroying LTTE ships carrying arms to ambushing LTTE operatives in landmine attacks, the forces have been hitting hard and consistently.

A key component of this strategy has been the targeting of Velupillai Prabakaran, the 53-year-old LTTE leader hailed by his followers as the Tamil ‘national leader.’ Relying on information made available through intelligence sources, the Sri Lankan Air Force has been regularly targeting areas where the Tiger supremo was suspected of roaming. Air Force morale was boosted greatly after the November 2 bombing in which the LTTE Political Commissar, Suppiah Paramu Thamilselvan, was killed along with six others. This was at Thiruvaiaru, a southern suburb of Kilinochchi, which is regarded as the de facto capital of the Tiger-controlled regions in the northern mainland known as Wanni.

On November 28, the Air Force came very close to getting the LTTE chief himself when Jeyanthy Nagar, a northern suburb, was bombed. The same area had been bombed on November 26. The bombing was so intense that the Tigers closed the Uruthirapuram Road, along which Jeyanthy Nagar is situated, for two weeks. While the pro-LTTE website, ‘Tamilnet,’ reported both incidents and claimed that there were no civilian casualties, the authorities in Colombo divulged nothing about them for more than three weeks.

A Colombo English weekly, The Nation, reported on December 16 that the LTTE leader was slightly injured on November 28. He was reportedly in a fortified bunker at Jeyanthy Nagar, a settlement consisting of six housing schemes. A bomb had caused damage to the bunker and Prabakaran had sustained minor injuries on his shoulder, arm, and back from falling debris.

In a report published in The Hindu of December 18, B. Muralidhar Reddy, the newspaper’s Sri Lanka correspondent, quoted President Mahinda Rajapaksa on the incident: “Asked about the report in a Sunday English weekly paper about the LTTE chief being injured in an aerial attack on November 28, Mr. Rajapaksa said though the government was not in a position to confirm the veracity of the report, it was sure that on that particular day the Sri Lanka Air Force had definitely hit two ‘important targets’ of the Tigers in Kilinochchi. ‘At the moment we are not in a position to comment on the correctness of the report. However, the SLAF is certain that it has hit two specific high value targets of the LTTE on November 28,’ Mr. Rajapaksa said.”

On December 19, the Defence Ministry, in an official release through the Media Centre for National Security, confirmed that the LTTE leader was injured in the bombing on Jeyanthy Nagar. The press release said, however, that the injuries were caused on November 26. The delay in releasing this information was explained thus: “Though the Air Force believed that Velupillai Prabakaran had been hit in this attack, non availability of ground information to confirm such at that time prevented the Government from releasing this information to the media.”

Predictably, the LTTE denied that Prabakaran was injured. The organisation’s defence affairs spokesman, Rasiah Ilanthiraiyan, claimed that these were part of psychological operations by Colombo. Once the Government confirmed that Prabakaran was injured, there were several follow-up media reports. Some went to the extent of saying that 116 bodyguards of the LTTE leader were killed and that he was to be taken abroad for medical treatment. Even if some of the reports evoked a sense of disbelief, there seemed little doubt that the LTTE leader had been injured in an Air Force attack. It was evident that the Lankan Air Force was getting better and better, or luckier and luckier, depending on different perspectives.

President Rajapaksa’s brother and Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapakse, has publicly confirmed that the armed forces were targeting the LTTE leader. “We will get him,” he has declared. According to government sources, the intelligence network has been receiving information about the movements and whereabouts of top LTTE leaders, including Prabakaran, from residents disgruntled with the Tigers. Forced recruitment on a massive scale has incurred widespread resentment.

Once this information is analysed and particular localities identified, specific aerial reconnaissance is conducted and this is followed by intense aerial bombardment of target areas. Jeyanthy Nagar, for instance, was bombed twice in three days. The killing of Tamilselvan and the injuring of Prabakaran have demonstrated that the LTTE leadership is now a prize target. In spite of the personality cult built around him, the LTTE leader is being shown up to be a mere mortal and quite vulnerable.

An interesting question — uncomfortable for the LTTE — that arises is: who will succeed the supremo if he is taken out? The most senior Tiger in the hierarchy is a man whom many do not know. It is ‘Baby’ Subramaniam, the head of the LTTE’s education division. He now has a nom de guerre, “Ilankumaran.” Hailing from Kankesanthurai, he is a founder member of the LTTE (from 1976). He has remained steadfastly loyal to Prabakaran. Despite his seniority, Ilankumaran is not a fighting man. Until 1991, he spent most of his days in India. Known as ‘Baby’ Subramaniam in India, he coordinated all propaganda and political activity for the LTTE in Tamil Nadu. He cultivated a whole lot of Tamil Nadu politicians and promoted the Tiger cause. He it was who established links with Chief Minister M.G. Ramachandran.

In the harsh world of power struggles, these accomplishments are of little use. Even if Ilankumaran is made leader or acting leader on account of his seniority, it will be only a matter of time before he is de-throned or reduced to a puppet. By nature and temperament, the mild-mannered LTTE veteran is not likely to pursue power or hold on to it ruthlessly.

The only other senior from pre-July 1983 days who is active in the Wanni is the dreaded intelligence chief, Pottu Amman. He joined the LTTE in 1982 and was a ‘helper’ long before that. All the other senior Tiger commanders like Soosai, Bhanu, Sornam, Jeyam, Theepan, Balraj, and Nadesan joined the LTTE after July 1983. Apart from Pottu’s seniority, there is a factor that makes him a serious contender for the crown. As intelligence chief, he wields enormous power now. His minions have infiltrated all sections of the LTTE. This extraordinary power and influence makes Pottu Amman the favourite in the succession stakes. Already, he acts like a de facto deputy leader. It may not be difficult for him to become de jure leader after Prabakaran.

The only man who could have effectively challenged Pottu Amman for leadership was the former Batticaloa-Amparai commander, Vinayagamoorthy Muraleetharan alias Karuna Amman. Both were blue-eyed boys of the big boss and there was simmering tension between them. But Pottu emerged victor in the battle of the Ammans. Karuna was ejected as a ‘thurogi’ or traitor.
Virtual one-horse race

In such a situation, the succession stakes seem a virtual one-horse race. Arguably, there could be a ‘dark horse,’ someone from the family stables. Prabakaran’s wife, Mathivathany, is now being seen increasingly in public. She ceremonially opened an elders’ home recently and her influence is already visible in the overseas branches of the LTTE. The other possibility is Prabakaran’s eldest son, Charles Anthony, who has reportedly obtained a pilot’s licence and aeronautical training. He is reportedly involving himself with LTTE activity nowadays. ‘Vaarisu Arasiyal’ or dynastic politics is a common phenomenon in South Asia. It is widespread at both national and regional levels. Can the so-called ‘first family of Tamil Eelam’ be immune to this common affliction? Only time will tell.

If the family enters the succession stakes, even Pottu Amman may have to give in. He will, however, remain the power behind the throne. A collective leadership under a nominal head from the family is also a possibility. Pottu will dominate such a set-up too from behind the scenes. Two other options need to be considered. One is a leadership committee chaired by Ilankumaran to run LTTE affairs for some time. The other is for a cabal of senior Tiger leaders to provide an informal collective leadership. Pottu Amman will be the most powerful person calling the shots in either set-up.

Given the fact that Pottu, like Prabakaran, is a key accused and a proclaimed offender in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case, the ascendancy of the intelligence chief is unlikely to change New Delhi’s stance towards the LTTE.

There is however a long term question. Will the LTTE be as effective without Prabakaran at the helm? The answer clearly is ‘no’. If Prabakaran is no more, it will not be an immediate end of the LTTE. It will however be the beginning of the end and the decline and fall could be quite rapid. Prabakaran himself is basically responsible for this situation. He has built up the movement around his dictatorial leadership and personality cult. He is projected as the all-powerful Messiah who will lead the Tamils into the promised land of Tamil Eelam. He has ensured the absence of a viable alternative.

However, the exit of Prabakaran will not mean the automatic resolution of the Tamil question. Even the possible extinction of the LTTE will not make the ethnic problem go away. A durable solution to the Tamil question can be found only on the basis of justice and equality. The grievances of the Tamils have to be redressed and their legitimate aspirations addressed within a united Sri Lanka. Only then will the problem go away.

India discounts Prabhakaran injury in air raid

Sunday, 23 December , 2007, 09:10

New Delhi: The Indian government has no credible information that Tamil Tigers chief Velupillai Prabhakaran was injured in a Sri Lanka Air Force raid on his bunker in the last week of November.

Indian security agencies believe that reports that Prabhakaran was injured and that he may seek medical treatment abroad are part of psychological warfare against a beleaguered Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

An informed source dismissed as "ridiculous" a report on Friday in a Sri Lankan newspaper that the supposed air raid on Prabhakaran killed 116 bodyguards of the LTTE chief.

Officials told on condition of anonymity that the Indian security establishment, which keeps a close tab on the Sri Lankan conflict, would have in all probability learnt by now if Prabhakaran had indeed been injured.

"All we can say now is that we have no credible intelligence to believe that Prabhakaran was wounded in any raid," the source said. "While we never rule out anything completely, we find these reports difficult to digest."

The LTTE has not commented on the supposed bombing of Prabhakaran's base that was first reported by a Sri Lankan newspaper December 16.

The paper said the 54-year-old suffered slight injuries in the arms, legs and the back when the air force dropped 12 bombs on the Jayanthinagar bunker complex in the northern district of Kilinochchi on November 28.

It went on to say that Prabhakaran recovered after treatment at the LTTE-run Thileepan Medical Centre and had begun moving about.

The Sri Lankan military spokesman then said the forces had no such information although the incident had supposedly taken place over two weeks earlier.

But Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa said this week that while he had no details, the air force did take up two "high profile" targets Nov 28 and one of the target areas in the LTTE region was then "closed for two weeks".

The government's Media Centre for National Security (MCNS) announced Dec 19 that Prabhakaran was indeed injured at Jayanthinagar but on November 26, not November 28.

MCNS said the raid followed intelligence reports of the Tiger leader's presence in Jayanthinagar. Explaining the long silence, it said though the air force believed Prabhakaran was injured, ground intelligence was not able to confirm it for so long.

The pro-LTTE TamilNet website and others did report a raid on Jayanthinagar November 26. But Tamilnet had reported injury only to an 18-year-old boy.

The Indian sources see a parallel between the reported attack on Prabhakaran and the death of LTTE political chief S.P. Tamilselvan November 2 in a similarly targeted early morning air bombing.

Tamilselvan died along with five senior LTTE guerrillas he was in a meeting with. The others reportedly piled on him in a desperate bid to save him but the effort proved futile.

When the Prabhakaran confidant died, the LTTE sealed off the area. Prabhakaran then sent a handpicked team to assess the damage and report to him, the sources said.

It was only after that, the sources added, that Pottu Amman, the LTTE intelligence chief and otherwise a key figure in the Tiger set-up, could go to the area.

Prabhakaran is known to operate from deep and seemingly impenetrable bunkers that were laid by the Tigers in Sri Lanka's thickly forested north in the 1980s when Indian troops were deployed there.

According to one published account, some bunkers are 30 to 40 feet deep. Deep underground tunnels are interlinked and rooms have been chiselled out. Some have low roofs while others have more space.

The LTTE is known to guard Prabhakaran zealously and his movements are rarely known outside a small circle, which knows that the security forces would love to get him.

This is not the first time the media has reported that Prabhakaran has been killed or injured. The LTTE issued photographs to prove that he was alive in the wake of intense speculation in 1989 that he had been killed.

The Sri Lankan media reported after the 2004 tsunami that Prabhakaran had been consumed by massive waves and that the LTTE had ordered a golden coffin for him!

Sajith stars at UNP convention

The UNP held its 52nd annual convention on December 16, just two days after their budget debacle. As could be expected, the convention was hardly an exuberant affair, coming so soon after yet another ‘defeat’. Normally, the budget is supposed to be yet another bill passed in parliament and not a contest between the government and the opposition. But thanks to the `topple the government’ effort and the psy-ops launched by the UNP, it became an election-like contest and even the results were announced in election style. "Government wins by a majority of 47 votes!" screamed the headlines not only of the state owned newspapers, but privately-owned newspapers like the Irida Lakbima and surprisingly, even the pro-UNP Sunday Leader. At elections, the majority is counted as the difference between what the winner and the loser get, regardless of how many voters had stayed away from the polling booth. When the village level UNPer heard the result being announced on the Dec. 14, he took it like another election defeat, mumbling imprecations at their inept leadership.

In the doldrums

To the UNPer at the ground level, the bottom line was this – the UNP lost only by a few votes at the second reading in November, but lost by a thumping 47 votes at the third reading. Hence the margin of defeat had increased exponentially. If attendance was unusually poor at the UNP annual convention, that was hardly surprising. What normally happens when the UNP has its party convention is that the electoral organizers visit all the polling both divisions in their electorate and inform the ground level activists that he will be organizing buses to transport people to the convention. The activists in the area then tell the electoral organizer how many people will be joining. All those who will be making the trip usually assemble at the crack of dawn at the electoral organizer’s house and after breakfast, board the buses which would have been parked there overnight.. The buses, draped in green flags and posters of the organizer, would make it a point to go to the nearest town and the party would shout slogans and light crackers to put on a show of strength at the local level, before the journey to the convention venue begins.

But this time, the flag waving and the slogan shouting was conspicuous by its absence in most areas. People did not have the sprit to do what they normally do. We reported in this column that if the budget vote is won by the government, the UNP would place the blame on the UNP defectors who joined the government, and primarily on Karu Jayasuriya who represents the Gampaha district and is the leader of the UNP reformist group. But things did not work out that way. The UNP leadership probably thought it inexpedient to remind the rank and file these days about ‘dissidents’ or ‘reformists’ because that would remind them of what caused the dissent and what the cry for reforms was about! Hence the UNP has been directing most of their flak at the JVP and not at their own dissidents.

The UNP itself is to blame for its predicament by whipping up expectations among their rank and file in the run up to the budget. When the promised change of government failed to materialize, the average UNPer took it as another defeat. During the past thirteen years, defeat has become second nature to the UNP rank and file, and like air raid drill during wartime, everybody has developed reflexes to deal with defeat – avoid public places, stop discussing politics and smilingly ignore jibes directed at them by opponents. This is despite the fact that the UNP has actually improved its position in parliament with the crossover of four SLMC parliamentarians and Anura Bandaranaike. And the government got only 114 votes which means they won only by a majority of two, the two votes belonging to Ven Uduwe Dhammaloka and JVP MP Nandana Gunatillke, who are not really in the government. Moreover, the CWC, which voted with the government can hardly be considered a steady ally. This is a government living on borrowed time.

Supplicants, not activists

Given all these factors, the government is in a precarious position indeed, and the UNP should in fact be celebrating. But they are in mourning instead. One major problem that the UNP faces is that the rank and file have got used to the idea that the party leadership will deliver power to them by various smart schemes. Because of the UNP’s inability to inspire the masses and win the correct way on a wave of public support, the party is dependent on horse deals to see them through. When a horse deal falls through, that is equivalent to an electoral defeat. We saw much the same thing during the last election that the UNP fought – the presidential election of 2005. Because the UNP did not have enough votes to win in the south even with the help of the CWC and the SLMC, they were looking to the north to get what they lacked in the south. When Prabhakaran snubbed them, everything fell through. The average UNPer is now no longer an activist, who goes out among the people and builds up support for the party. He is a supplicant waiting with joined palms at the offices of party big shots, waiting for power to be delivered to them from above.

In the horse dealing during the budget debate, the UNP had counted the JVP’s votes as well in their calculations, without having arrived at any kind of an understanding with them. When the JVP snubbed the UNP, they were once again ‘defeated’. As we wrote in this column last week, it’s a lucky thing the UNP was not able to topple the government with their harebrained schemes because there is no guarantee that the UNP will be able to get the highest number of seats even in the three cornered fight with the JVP contesting separately. As after every defeat, the blame game was in full swing last week with the UNP accusing the JVP of having betrayed and deceived the people by voting against the budget at the second reading and abstaining during the third reading. The JVP says the government won not because the JVP abstained but because there were 26 UNP parliamentarians serving in the government.

In addition to this blame game that was being played out between he JVP and the UNP, there were rumblings within the UNP as well. Because the budget fiasco was just a horse deal that fell through, it may not snowball into a leadership challenge. But discontent there certainly was, even among the rank and file present at the party convention last week. The task of inviting the leader to speak had been entrusted to Gayantha Karunatilleke who fell over himself in showering praise upon Wickremesinghe for nearly half an hour, before inviting him to speak. Karunatilleke spoke about Wickremesinghe’s career in school, university and in politics. He described Wickremesinghe in glowing terms as one of the most capable leaders in the world and spoke about his about his monumental patience ‘iwaseema’. Coming as it did, after the latest power grabbing fiasco of the party, everybody thought such excessive praise was in poor taste. There had been only scattered applause for what Karunatilleke said. Even when Karunatilleke tried to work things up by gradually getting more and more emotional until he was virtually shrieking the leader’s praise into the microphone, the audience failed to respond.

It was Sajith Premadasa who got the most amount of applause and cheers at the UNP convention, followed by S.B.Dissanayake. Wickremesinghe got a very tepid response from the crowd and many had left their seats before his speech. It would have been interesting to see how the crowd would have reacted to Mangala Samaraweera, the UNP’s new number two. Samaraweera could not make an appearance at the UNP’s annual convention because he was still officially a member of the SLFP, and his presence at a members only gathering may have been prejudicial to him legally.

Muwanpelessa vs Cinnamon Gardens

In his speech, Sajith Premadasa lashed out at the party establishment, saying that the next time the UNP was in power, those who wear the crown should be cloth and banian and sarong and shirt wearing ordinary folk and that the party will have to ensure that those who benefit from their rule will be people from Muwanpelessa and not those from Cinnamon Gardens. The crowd had erupted in wild cheers at this. Sajith Premadasa is not the type to rock the boat by making a leadership challenge, but from time to time, he will speak his mind. The last time the UNP was the power, on 2001, Sajith was given only a deputy minister’s portfolio even though he won the Hambantota district for the UNP. His peers like Johnston Fernando, Vajira Abeywardene and Kabir Hashim were made non-cabinet ministers. Despite having been thus treated, perhaps for being too independent minded, Sajith has stuck to his course which is why a mere former deputy minister now gets more applause than anybody else in the party barring perhaps S.B.Dissanayake.

As we mentioned earlier, .Dissanayke was another individual who got a rousing welcome at the UNP convention, and the UNP leadership thought it fit to cut him down to size. After SB’s speech, the person scheduled to speak was Johnston Fernando who directed several jibes at SB, saying that even those who were at the forefront of attacking party leader Wickremesinghe and terrorized the party rank and file during the Chandrika Kumaratunga regime, were now at Wickremesinghe’s feet. Fernando had said that the same applied to Mangala Samaraweera and Sripathy Sooriyarachchi as well. This was a barely disguised attempt to remind the crowd that S.B.Dissanayake whom they were now cheering even in preference to their own leader, was once the scourge of the UNP.

By reminding the UNP rank and file of the past, the attempt was to dampen their pro-SB fervour. Wickremesinghe probably fears another leadership challenge could be brewing and this could be a way of trying to head it off. SB had always spoken last at UNP meetings because the crowds come to listen to him and will not leave until he had spoken. And the way to retain the crowd was to leave the best for the last. Even at the previous annual convention held in Kandy, SB spoke last. But this time he was not allowed to speak last, because those who had come for the convention would have gone back with whatever SB told them in their minds. Johnston Fernando did not spare even Sajith, even though there really is nothing that one can say against him.

Sajith was never in any other political party and no one can say that he came in from outside. Even within the UNP, he was not active in politics when his father was the president and the leader of the UNP – so no one can say that he is the mollycoddled son of a former party leader. Nor has Sajith been associated with any attempts to remove Wickremesinghe. Fernando referred to the point raised by Sajith about crowning cloth and banian wearing people, and had said that the country is now being ruled by someone wearing the ‘redda’ and ‘baniyama’ and just see what he is doing to the country! The UNP convention thus ended with Fernando having ridiculed both the two most popular individuals in the UNP.

Deals that failed

We haven’t heard the last of the budget drama yet. Minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage has come up with the story that W.B.Ekanayake and Chandrasiri Sooriyarachchi had been offered 25 million each to defect to the opposition, and when Jeyaraj Fernandopulle had heared about this, he had taken the two UNP dissidents to a hotel in Colombo where they had stayed the night before the budget vote. This kind of thing has become quite normal for Sooriyarachchi who readers will remember, was nearly abducted on the night before the 18 UNP dissidents led by Karu Jayasuriya were sworn in s ministers earlier this year.

Several UNP parliamentarians had been in charge of the crossover drama and Sagala Ratnayake had been one of them. Wickremesinghe had got Ratnayake involved in the horse dealing operation to take his mind off a simmering dispute that Ratnayake was having with Justin Galappaththy the Matara district leader. All those involved in the operation had been keeping things close to their chest and when other UNP parliamentarians had asked what was going on, the stock answer would be, ‘we can’t tell you yet’. Even Sripathy Sooriyarachchy had been playing up the drama. One day he was standing on the corridor in parliament and when a fellow MP asked him what he was doing there, he said that he was waiting for an MP who was due to crossover!

The person who had apparently put Anura Bandaranaike in trouble was Mangala Samaraweera who had tried to use Bandaranaike as a kind of political decoy, to try and get Thondaman to defect. AB had been assured that Thondaman would defect if he crossed over. Anura did cross the floor and he waited for Thondaman to do the same, but nothing happened. When nothing happened, Anura simply left parliament without waiting for the vote. Thus it turned out that Anura defected to the opposition but did not vote against the budget because he was not in parliament to vote.

Even though this was just a budget vote and not an election, its effect has been almost as far reaching as an election. The fate of two key political figures hangs in the balance. Where Anura is concerned, will this mark the end of the Bandaranaike presence in politics? If so, things would have come full circle. S.W.R.D.Bandaranaike began the Bandaranaike saga by crossing from the UNP into the opposition and his son would have ended it by crossing over from the party his father founded, back into the UNP fold.

The fate of Rauff Hakeem also hangs in the balance. After the death of M.H.M.Ashraff the SLMC has been slowly disintegrating. After president Rajapakse won the presidential election in 2005, Hakeem was forced to join the PA government because his MPs had begun defecting to the government. The question that arises is whether the same problem will not best him now that he is outside the government again. Minority parties cannot last for long without access to patronage, which is why Thondaman did not make a move until he was sure that he would not find himself outside the government while Chandrasekeran remains within and has access to all the patronage.

Hakeem made the mistake of crossing the floor leaving some of his colleagues in the government to use the patronage they can access to consolidate themselves. Each minority leader has a rival within the community, and his or her actions will be determined to a greater or lesser extent by what the rival is doing. If the minority leader makes a mistake, that results in his rival getting the upper hand. Such a situation will be as detrimental to the minority leader as it is to a Sinhala leader who loses out to a rival. In this context, a situation will have to arise where minority leaders decide to abandon the government en bloc, because of the extreme erosion of governmental authority such as what happened in 2001.

Taking the JVP for granted

The JVP politburo met on Dec. 13 to map out their strategy for the budget vote the next day. Somawansa Amarasinghe said that the present situation was not like on November 19 (when the second reading vote was taken) and that this time, there were two opponents to defeat – the wrong track of the government and the conspiracies launched by the UNP. He suggested that the JVP abstain from voting at the third reading. The politburo had unanimously endorsed that decision. The politburo then summoned the JVP parliamentary group to their headquarters at 8.30am on the Dec. 14 to inform them of the decision to abstain from voting. All JVP MPs thus knew what the decision of the party was, but they did not reveal their hand until the voting began. There were reports to the effect that there had been an internal split within the JVP on this question of abstaining from voting. There certainly would be internal conflicts within the JVP because they are now at the political crossroads, but on the question of not doing anything that would reduce their numbers in parliament, there seems to be unanimity among the JVP parliamentarians.

Besides, no one in the JVP would relish the idea of committing political suicide on behalf of the UNP. If there was a sharp split in the JVP on this issue, then the disgruntled faction would have leaked the news of their decision to abstain to the UNP. In the run up to the 2005 presidential election, the TNA MPs knew three weeks in advance that the LTTE would be boycotting the election. Even though this was supposed to be kept a secret, TNA MPs like Raviraj who had opposed the LTTE decision to boycott the elections, had been dropping hints whenever they met their UNP friends, and if not for the blindness of the UNP leadership, they would have known well in advance that they were not going to get any help from the LTTE.

As for Anura Bandaranaike, who crossed the floor in the expectation that the JVP would oppose the budget, what happened to him was a replay of what happened during the presidential election of December 1988. In the year 1988, when the JVP’s second insurrection was in full swing, the SLFP expected the JVP to support their candidate, Mrs Sirima Bandaranaike. While on the campaign trail, someone had told Anura Bandarnaike over lunch at the Bamunusinghe walauwa in the Hambantota district that it would be disadvantageous for the JVP to allow a change of government to take place at this juncture because it would take the wind out of their sails and therefore, the JVP is most likely to boycott the election, thus favouring the UNP candidate, R.Premadasa. Anura Bandaranike had laughed it off saying "What nonsense! The JVP is with us!" Needless to say, the SLFP lost that election because the JVP refused to be what the SLFP expected them to be.

The JVP politburo for its part, met last Wedneday and expressed satisfaction at the result produced by their abstaining from the budget vote. Somawansa Amarasinghe said that the government which got 119 votes at the second reading, has now got only 114 votes which means that they will not be able to do as they please and on the other hand, the UNP which had inflated expectations, had now come crashing to the ground and once again proven their incompetence to the world. K.D.Lal Kantha said that Mangala Samaraweera had said that the decision to abstain from voting was a decision of Wimal Weerawansa and that such statements show how bankrupt they are. Amarasinghe stated that anybody who has any understanding of the JVP will not make such statements.

The interesting point is that not so long ago, Samaraweera was thought to be very close to the JVP and he was considered the go between in the marriage between the PA and the JVP at the 2005 presidential elections. Today, the JVP itself states that Samaraweera had no understanding of the JVP – which is true because at the time he split from the SLFP, he actually expected the JVP to support his line and to sink or swim with him. He would have been bitterly disappointed when the JVP showed no sign of wanting to cast their lot with him. Speaking at Wednesday’s politburo meeting, Vijtha Herath stated that Ranil had been going around the country saying that it was the JVP that was helping the government to survive. To this Tilvin Silva said that the JVP need not take any notice of what Ranil Wickremesinghe says, and that the people of this country approve of what the JVP did.

Explaining Prabakaran’s persistent defiance

V. Suryanarayan

Was the LTTE supremo’s latest Heroes Day speech an illustration of characteristic defiance or an expression of a significantly weakened situation on the ground and increasing international isolation? Can there be a political way out of the vicious cycle?

Thousands of Tamil guerrillas were “standing ready to fight” and “we will overcome the hurdles before us” and “liberate our motherland,” thundered Velupillai Prabakaran, concluding his Heroes Day speech on November 27, 2007. A few minutes before the LTTE supremo began his speech, the Sri Lankan Air Force demolished the building that housed the Voice of the Tigers. Three weeks earlier, in a similar operation, Tamil Selvam, the leader of t he political wing of the Tigers, was killed. What is more, the rest of the world was tightening its screws on the terrorist organisation, with Washington in the lead, banning the activities of Tamil Rehabilitation Organisation, one of the major fund-raisers of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam.

Was Prabakaran’s speech an illustration of his characteristic defiance, intended to boost the sagging morale of the cadres and supporters? Was he hiding his despair and frustration behind the high-flowing rhetoric? Before dwelling on the text and the context, it is necessary to highlight certain important elements of his behavioural pattern over recent years.

The Heroes Day (Maveerar Nal) is celebrated with great pomp and show in the LTTE-controlled territory and also in countries where there is a substantial Sri Lankan Tamil presence. The lighting of the lamp by the supremo is to remember and commemorate the martyrs who have sacrificed their lives for the cause of Tamil Eelam. Sri Lanka watchers eagerly wait for this event, for the speech is an official prognosis of the immediate past and also contains indicators of future policy.

In his first Heroes Day speech (November 27 is also Prabakaran’s birthday) following the withdrawal of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF), he made two important pronouncements: 1) Those who betray the cause of Tamil Eelam must be killed; and 2) if ever Prabakaran betrays the cause of Tamil Eelam, “you must kill him.”

For all his passionate commitment to the cause of Tamil Eelam, he was influenced by Anton Balasingham, his comrade-in-arms for several years. On a number of occasions, the LTTE’s Political Advisor persuaded Prabakaran to make a tactical retreat from the goal in order to win international sympathy. Here are two notable instances:

When Chandrika Kumaratunga was elected President, she was very keen on bringing about “ethnic reconciliation” and expressed her readiness to initiate discussions without preconditions. In his book, Politics of Duplicity – Revisiting the Jaffna Talks, Balasingham recalled that Prabakaran was “sceptical” of Chandrika’s gestures and felt they were only a gimmick to win the support of Tamils as well as Sinhalese. It was Balasingham who advised his leader that it would be “politically prudent” to initiate a dialogue with Chandrika to find out how “genuine” she was in resolving the ethnic conflict.

Balasingham also played a key role in the conclusion of the ceasefire agreements between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan government. Subsequent peace talks led to the Oslo Declaration, where the Tigers committed themselves to “explore a federal solution within a united Sri Lanka.” Professor G.L. Pieris, the leader of the Sri Lankan delegation, is on record that Balasingham was specifically asked whether agreeing to explore a federal solution meant the Tigers had renounced the military option. Balasingham replied “no,” because that was their “fallback position.” He added: “Why do you want to dwell on that because we have every hope and expectation that the journey that we have embarked upon will take us to the destination that we desire.” He continued: “Why is it necessary for you to look at the worst side of things and be pessimistic?”

I have focussed on the “moderating influence” of Balasingham on Prabakaran, because, for many years, the Political Advisor drafted the Heroes Day speeches. The present team of speechwriters clearly lacks Balasingham’s political savvy and finesse. Not surprisingly, the speech delivered on November 27, 2007 was a litany of accusations and complaints against the rest of the world; the only innocent person was Prabakaran; and the only just goal was the independence of Tamil Eelam, which can be attained only through violent struggle.

The major thrust of Prabakaran’s speech was the charge that the international community was collaborating with Colombo in marginalising the LTTE. The “partisan and unjust conduct of the international community” has undermined the confidence the Tamil community has reposed in it. The steady erosion of the parity between the Tigers and the government; the slow but steady construction of an ‘international safety net’ by the Sri Lankan government; the exclusion of the LTTE from major international conferences organised by donor countries; and what is more, despite occasional protests against human rights violations by the government, their readiness to strengthen the government’s military capabilities — all these were frustrating experiences for the Tigers.

Prabakaran has turned a Nelson’s eye to an equally important reality. The killing of political opponents, the attacks on the civilian population, the forcible recruitment of children into the guerrilla army — these inhuman acts have created a sense of revulsion against the Tigers in several parts of the world.
Mischievous and misleading

From an Indian perspective, the LTTE supremo’s reference to the international community “making the same mistake that India made many years ago,” the charge that Indian intervention in Sri Lanka was part of its “regional expansion,” and the assertion that the provisions of the India-Sri Lanka Agreement of July 1987 did not even devolve powers as the “Banda-Chelva Pact” did are not just mischievous. They go against ground realities. There can be legitimate criticism of many aspects of India’s relations with Sri Lanka relating to the ethnic conflict. However, it must be acknowledged that the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution was the first significant step towards devolution of powers to the provinces. It was an attempt to have a new constitutional arrangement for sharing power between the majority and minority communities. What led to its failure were the sharp divisions within the Sri Lankan government, the opposition of the Janata Vimukti Peramuna (JVP), and the intransigence of Prabakaran. Absence of a Sinhala consensus and given the violent opposition of the Tigers, the 1987 accord became a source of discord in Sri Lanka.

Equally relevant is Prabakaran’s unwillingness to understand and, where possible, exploit the contradictions within Sinhala society to the advantage of the Tamils. He has referred to the “implacability” of Sinhala chauvinism, adding that the Sinhala state was not interested in finding a peaceful solution; its objective, on the other hand, was to “occupy the Tamil homeland, destroy its resources and enslave the Tamil nation.” The revolt within the LTTE and the use of the rebel faction by the Sri Lankan armed forces, coupled with the ascent of Mahinda Rajapaksa to power with the support of the JVP and the Sinhala Urumaya, has put the clock back as far as peace prospects are concerned. The Supreme Court-ordered de-merger of the north and the east; the closure of the A9 highway; the downgrading of the proposals made by the Tissa Witarana Committee; and increasing emphasis on a political solution within a unitary state are clear indicators that the chasm dividing the Sinhalese and the Tamils has widened. Tamils living in Colombo and adjoining areas were subjected to untold humiliation when many of them were recently detained for interrogation. If the military pressure on the LTTE is not accompanied by political reforms, the reservoir from which the Tigers recruit their cadres might expand in a significant way.

In its recent report, the University Teachers of Human Rights (UTHR) has highlighted the irreconcilable positions of the two contending parties. The LTTE would continue to argue the futility of a political settlement with Sinhalese governments that were incapable of honouring commitments made earlier. On the other hand, those who advocate a military solution would point to the intransigence of Prabakaran and rationalise the loss of human lives as the inevitable consequences of a war imposed by a secessionist and terrorist organisation on the state.

In Sri Lanka today (as W.B. Yeats memorably said in The Second Coming), “the best lack all convictions, while the worst/are full of passionate intensity.” While the Tigers, maddened with arrogance, have set themselves on the path of destruction, the government seems determined to follow the military option, which, even if successful, can lead only to the peace of the graveyard. The question is whether anyone can display the courage, vision, and strategic and tactical skills to navigate a just and sustainable political way out of this vicious cycle.

(Dr. V. Suryanarayan is a leading scholar on the Sri Lankan ethnic conflict. He retired as Senior Professor and Director of the Centre for South and Southeast Asian Studies at the University of Madras.)

LTTE lynchpin KP free

Corrupt Thai military generals have interfered and released the LTTE chief of procurement, Shanmugam Kumaran Tharmalingham alias Kumaran Pathmanathan (KP), from Thai custody. A Thai source revealed that LTTE agents in Thailand had bribed the military generals US$ 1 million.
KP was arrested by a junior officer of the Thai police on September 10, this year. A military general was shocked to hear of the arrest and informed the Thai police not to inform the media but, the officer responsible for the arrest, had already informed a Bangkok Post journalist.


KP, resident in Thailand, has a good relationship with the corrupt military generals, because he is involved in arms dealing.


In 2002, when an LTTE delegation met their Sri Lankan counterparts in Bangkok for peace talks, LTTE delegates, in the company of a senior Thai military commander, and escorted by soldiers, met KP in a tea boutique in a jungle hideout in the northeast.

The meeting was long where operational issues were discussed. The Thai military had provided security throughout the four-hour meeting with KP. At the end of the meeting, the LTTE delegation returned to Bangkok in military vehicles.KP, operates under various aliases, with over 17 passports. He has recently been the target of a manhunt from Johannesburg to Singapore and from Rangoon to Bangkok.

According to intelligence reports, he has bank accounts in London, Frankfurt Denmark, Athens and Australia.KP is one of LTTE supremo Prabakaran's closest associates and also of his wife Madiwadini.A Profile of KP: The Untold StoryKP was born on April 6, 1955, in Myliyddy near Kankesanthurai, and resided at 130, KKS Road, Jaffna.

He is, reportedly, a relative of Prabhakaran. His original name is Dharmaligam. He is an Arts graduate from Jaffna University. He is not married.KP holds one Sri Lankan passport No. J-803500 and a Sri Lankan Identity Card No. 550971231 V. He holds two Indian passports in the name of Dharmalingam Shanmugham Kumaran, No. E- 432432, issued from London on 9.8.89, and in the name of Selvaraja Padmanabhan, No. E-277582."It is reported that, in 1981, KP robbed the Peoples Bank in Tirunelveli (Jaffna). KP has been active in India since 1983. In 1983, he was arrested for smuggling gold worth Rs 40 lakhs from Singapore to Bombay, in collusion with Vakil Kandasamy.

He was then operating under the name of Kutti alias Padmanabhan. He was again arrested for smuggling in 1984. From 1983 onwards, KP has been operating from Madras in close association with Raghu alias Gundappa. Along with Capt Piraisoodi alias Capt David, a merchant navy captain, they floated a company in Singapore called Arasu Maritime Pvt Ltd. KP provided the funds to start the company, US$ 25,000, which was the paid-up capital. In October 1984, a ship, the MV Cholan, originally owned by a Chinese company and registered in Panama, was purchased.

This ship was operating between Singapore, Penang, Sri Lanka, Vizag and Nagapattinam, carrying outboard engines, communication equipment and, in all probability, armaments. During the period 1986-88, a new shipping company was floated in Singapore called "Plymouth Shipping Company" in partnership with Capt Vijaykumar.

This ship too was used exclusively to supply the LTTE.""In 1989, in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, KP floated a company "Vikram Holdings Pvt Ltd" in partnership with three Malaysians of Sri Lankan origin. Capt Piraisoodi was also one of the directors of this company. During the same period, KP opened another company - "Point Pedro Shipping"- registered in Panama.

This company operated two ships "Sun Bird" and "Elicia", flying the flag of Honduras and extensively used in transporting arms and ordnance from European countries. "Sun Bird", flying the flag of Cyprus, was caught in Penang in December 1990, with boat engines, communication equipments, etc, with the case pending in Malaysia. Another ship called the "Golden Bird" is reportedly highly active. KP financed all the above. Some other ships under KP's control are "Amazon" and "Nifly"."Two close associates of KP in India were Eason Singaraya and Kumar. Eason was arrested in January 1991, by local police and is presently in Vellore jail.

Vakil Kandaswamy was another close associate of KP who he used for smuggling gold from Singapore and to send LTTE members abroad on forged travel papers."During November 1990, Eason and Kandaswamy had spoken to K P over the telephone from Adayar STD booth. K P was at that time reported to be at Kuala Lumpur. During the conversation with Kandaswamy, K P had indicated that LTTE was going to launch a major operation in India to harm the Indian leadership."During Nov-Dec '90, KP was in Cyprus. He was in touch with Kumar, who along with Kader, was staying at 28th Lodge, Room No 5, Sarangoon, Singapore. A consignment of arms was loaded on o "Golden Bird" by KP. Kader joined KP in Cyprus. He embarked on the "Golden Bird" to the Bay of Bengal in Feb '91.

The armed cargo was unloaded and sent to Jaffna in four installments, during March 1991. "Golden Bird" belonged to "Henseatic" registered with the Orient Shipping in Germany. Kader has since been apprehended by the Indian Navy, along with nine others from the vessel "Tong Nova", and is now in the custody of the 'Q' Branch of Tamilnadu police.It is also learnt that in June '91 KP visited Singapore and went to the Thai-Cambodia border in the third week of July, where he negotiated arms purchases from the KPNLF. During the period 1984-85, while KP was in India, there is evidence of large-scale purchases of highly sophisticated weapons by him. During the searches made at the house of Radhakrishnan alias Radha at Chingelput, some files titled "KP-Deal List", were seized.

These files indicate bulk purchases of gun boats, recoilless rifles, 106mm, torpedoes, RPG antitank and anti-personnel mines, Israeli grenades, 7362mm NATO rifles, ammunition, plastic explosives, sub-machine guns, night vision devices, G3, N16, M60 rifles, Czech pistols 9mm and large quantities of mortar and explosive substances and related equipment. The documents disclose the price at which these arms are available in British Pound Sterling and also contain certain unsigned requirements apparently sent to the arms dealers for procurement.


The above details would necessarily imply management of huge finances for floating of companies, purchase of ships, arms etc. However, there is no direct evidence to indicate sources of finance, except for some isolated incidents of gold smuggling, which by themselves, appear inadequate to finance the above requirements.In this context, information furnished by the Criminal Investigation Department of Sri Lankan Police is relevant.

This information relates to the links between drug trafficking and the Tamil terrorist organization.The report, inter alia, states that during the period 1984-86 a large number of Sri Lankans arrested in West Germany, Italy, France and Spain for drug smuggling were Tamils. Of the Sri Lankan arrested during this period, 84% were Tamils. Almost all the Tamils arrested were traveling on forged passports. On interrogation, they admitted that they were drug-trafficking for Tamil terrorists to fund arms purchases.During the period 1989-90, Sri Lankan Tamil drug traffickers arrested abroad were largely found to be operating from India. Recently, a Sri Lankan Tamil, Vamadevan alias Capt Kumar has been arrested by the Bombay Police for possession of heroin.During 1989-90, as many as 13 Sri Lankan Tamils, with definite LTTE links, were arrested for drug smuggling, by the Police Narcotics Bureau of Sri Lanka.

The Sri Lankan CID has concluded that large sums of money from drug-trafficking syndicates of the LTTE, are re-routed to south India, from where the money is disseminated abroad for arms purchases. They have also concluded that these syndicates procure their narcotics from India. Countries from where operations took placeIndia


In Madras, the KP department was functioning from the LTTE office, during 1983-84. Smuggling was arranged from here and funds from Tamils abroad were also collected in Madras. Associates of KP in Madras were (1) Raghu alias Gundappa (2) Eason Singaraya (3) Kumar (4) Vakil Kandaswamy and (5) Ranjith (Accountant).Kandaswamy, reportedly, owns a house at Regharpura, Karol Bagh, New Delhi, which was used by KP as a safe-house. However, during interrogation, Kandaswamy stated that a Lawrence was earlier staying in that house. He died subsequently. KP's contacts in New Delhi were the former immigration officer, Delhi Airport, Jagdish Yadav, presently working in the traffic police, Delhi, and residing at E17, Shankar Road, Karol Bagh, New Delhi. Yadav is also reportedly the owner of "Flying Travels" near Navrang Hotel, Pahar Ganj, New Delhi. KP in 1986 stayed at Navrang Hotel, Pahar Ganj. KP's other contacts in New Delhi were brother of Jagdish Yadav, Virendra Yadav, owner of "Cozy Travels", Ground Floor, Aeroflot Building, New Delhi, and immigration officers V.D. Gupta and Dahaiya. Dahaiya is said to be SHO, Greater Kailash. Other travel agencies used by KP were "VK Travels", near Imperial Cinema, Pahar Ganj, owned by V.K. Aggarwal and "Hind Travels", Karol Bagh owned by Arun Marwah.


Singapore (i) Captain Piraisoody, (ii) Prof of Mathematics, Rajendran, Singapore University, (related to KP and V. Prabhakaran), (iii) Devendran, (iv) Arasaratnam, (v) Mohammed Rial (gold smugglers between Singapore and Madras), are his associates. Shipping and Finance companies of KP operate from here..KP deals with the following agencies for procurement of equipment in Singapore:Inter Nave Agencies Pvt, Ltd 30-04, International Plaza, Anson Road Singapore. Blazer Electronics Company, Sim Lim Tower, Ground Floor, Rochore Road, Singapore (KP purchased telecommunication equipment and boat engines through a smuggler, Charles Fernando, from this shop in Nov-Dec '90).


Malaysia
(i) Loganathan, (ii) Dhanapalan and (iii) Karunanidhi (partners of Nikram Holdings, Kuala Lumpur) are his known associates in Malaysia, an important smuggling base for KP.KP's address in Malaysia - Tingkat 3, Block C8, Jalam/ Taman Tunku, Bukit, Tunku, Kuala Lumpur. He is also the director of "Vikram Holdings" Lot 592, 5th Floor, PO Box 469, Wisman Central, Jalam, Ampong, 50450, Kuala Lumpur.


Thailand
(i) S Mohan, c/o V Easwara & Co Ltd, P.O. Box 894, Park Nong PO, Bangkok, is a close friend of KP, with whom he stays while in Thailand. He was also managing "Aarasu Maritime Pvt Ltd, 0904, LKN Building, 135 Cecil Street, Bangkok.France KP is known to have extensively used the French port of Marseilles for transportation of arms through his various ships. He is reportedly a close associate of arms smuggler and international drug runner, Patrick Condier - a retired French army officer.


Switzerland
This country is used mainly for transfer of money through bank accounts and fund raising.


Belgium
The port of Antwerp is used both for purchase of arms as well as their transportation.Panama, Honduras and St Vincent Due to their liberal registration procedure, these countries have been used for registration of companies and ships by KP.KP is also known to be operating from Hong Kong, allegedly in touch with Mrs Shanmugaraja, c/o Kolpitiya, Hong Kong. (telephone No. 01-397801-21). United Kingdom Apart from Kittu, KP's contact in the UK is Kamalasingam alias Singam alias Kamala, a telecommunication engineer, who is a British national at c/o 44, 40th Lane, Wembley, Middlesex, HA 99, HA UK. He is.According to Capt Piraisoodi, KP is in close touch with one Dinesh based somewhere in Greece. His telephone No 30-1-418925 (Res) and 4-220226.Incidentally, according to intelligence reports, KP would be dispatching another consignment of arms and ammunition on the "Golden Bird", which will be taken by boats from the high seas in the Indian Ocean to Jaffna.

The seizure of the speedboat "Tong Nova" along with 10 crew members, including Capt Balan, off the Indian coast, shows that KP is still active in this area. Capt Balan is under interrogation.Comments of DIG Shri R.V Raju, on the note on KP, prepared by SP Shri Amit Verma, is fairly detailed. His extensive activities in arms procuring for the LTTE movement in Sri Lanka, have been traced. Now, his role in our case is to be examined.

The note states that it is KP who procures arms for the LTTE. He is, thus, the source of most of the arms and telecommunication equipment. The AK-47, pistols, grenades and wireless sets used in our case could have been procured by KP for LTTE. However, the only possible evidence connecting KP with our case to date is Vakil Kandaswamy's statement quoting the phone conversation in which KP refers to the action planned against the Indian leadership.KP, no doubt, is one of the most important members of the LTTE, performing perhaps the most vital role.

He would certainly have played a role in the decision making on the assassination, as he would have to take all possible steps to avoid any adverse effect of the crime on his activities, i.e., purchase and supply of arms etc, just like Trichy Santhan instructed Suresh Master for shifting the injured LTTE cadres, long before the assassination..KP, therefore, requires to be interrogated thoroughly. All possible evidence against him needs to be collected.

This could be done as follows:All particulars about him to be collected from Indian/Sri Lankan passports.Particulars of arrest of KP and Vakil Kandaswamy for smuggling gold in Bombay in 1983 to be collected from Bombay Police through Bombay Branch.Raghu alias Gundappa to be interrogated to get all possible particulars of KP, his friends, relatives etc. Kader in "Q" branch custody to be interrogated for (a) K P's knowledge of the assassination.

(b) Shipment of arms connected with assassination.Vamadevan alias Cap Kumar arrested by Bombay Police for drug trafficking, to be interrogated by sending an IO to see possible connection with KP.Pointers to trace source of sale of weapons, explosives and communication equipment used in our case, to be sent to explore their connection with KP.Accused like Santhan could be further examined to see if he had knowledge of KP's involvement in the decision making or connection with the arms used in our case.(R V Raju - DIG: SIT: Madras - 21.11.91)Comment of DIG Sh Srikumar on the note of S H Amit Verma on KP.

The note given by S H Amit Verma before we went to Sri Lanka is placed on files (S/7 to 10/c). As a result of our discussions with the various agencies, the facts gathered from Sri Lankan agencies are placed on file.

The photographs of M V Sunbird video record of M V Sunbird as well as KP's two apartments in Kuala Lumpur, the assets and liabilities statement and details of 22 a/cs of KP have been obtained from NIB. These are also placed on file (The video cassette is with Sh Manoharan).

The facts gathered conclusively establish the pre-eminence of K P as the chief procurer of arms and handler of funds for LTTE."On the basis of pointers raised by SP (AV) and DIG (RVR) the role of KP in the assassination case needs to be looked into closely to ascertain whether:Belt bomb was procured through him. AK 47, 9mm pistols seized from Sivarasan, was seized from him.Wireless sets used for communication between 91 and 95 stations were purchased by him.

The money spent by Sivarasan for the assassination is accounted for in KP's account.Whether ack-ack guns, SAM 8 missiles or other heavy armament purchase were effected by KP immediately after the assassination through funds channeled with his accounts at that time."What was he doing in India at the time of the assassination and why he hurriedly left India."1983 - Smuggling gold from Singapore to Bombay - arrested at Bombay; 1984 - gold smuggling, Madras; Dec '90 - Sun Bird seizure at Penang; Jan/Feb '91 - Easen & Kandaswamy's arrest; Aug '91 - Radha's house search; Oct '91 - Kandaswamy's arrest; Nov '91 - "Tong Nova" arrests.KP was given US$ 3 million with which he made arms purchases from Southern Lebanon.

In the light of this information, questioning of KP becomes imperative, if further insight into a greater conspiracy has to be had. At present, he is said to be moving in Australia/New Zealand. RAW may be requested to specially mount an operation to watch his movements and take action to nab him if he comes to India again. We could also take up a separate case for use of false passport against him.

The Tiger 'Diaspora'

Some of the major Incidents involving the LTTE outside Sri Lanka in 2007
In the recent past, there have been many instances in which cadres of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) or their front organizations have been arrested or sentenced to prison for a variety of subversive activity across the world. Some of the major incidents involving the LTTE outside Sri Lanka include:


2007
October 21: Canadian Police uncovered a major scam where LTTE operatives tried entering the Caribbean using expertly forged western passports, with the eventual aim of infiltrating the US and Canada. Several key members of the LTTE were among the more than 100 people arrested with fraudulent travel documents in the Caribbean, Senior Liaison Officer for the Caribbean, Royal Canadian Mounted Police, Jeff Johnston, told the Barbados-based Sunday Sun. Concerns among security agencies have heightened as a result of identifying a highly sophisticated fraudulent passport ring operating out of Guyana. He said, "Not only are they producing fraudulent regional/Caribbean passports, but also Canadian, US and British documents. Those identified included people believed to be associated with the LTTE who were trying to make their way to Canada, to raise funds for arms purchases."


October 9: The Victorian government in Australia, has reportedly given thousands of dollars to an organization accused of being a front of the LTTE. The Government awarded US$ 2,000, in two separate grants, to the Eelam Tamil Association of Victoria, to fund a dinner dance and to help with administrative expenses.


September 25: French Police arrested Ranjan, a second layer LTTE leader, who succeeded Parithi alias Nadarajah Mathienthiran, who was arrested on April 1 and in custody since then. He was arrested along with the Vennila gang members in the suburb of Paris. The report added that Ravi Manickam alias Oothai Ravi, the leader of the Vennila group and the key man entrusted by the LTTE to take care of the anti-LTTE Tamil groups in France, was also arrested. Ravi is suspected of a number of mysterious murders and abduction of members of the Tamil Diaspora in France.


September 24: The movement of two suspected LTTE cadres from Canada to the USA, during a recent private visit to America by the Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapakse, reportedly sparked off a quick reaction from the US Federal Agencies. The FBI on receiving information of the movement of LTTE operatives, swiftly tracked down Rajapakse to provide him with security.


September 13: Three persons, Aruran Vinayagamoorthy, Sivarajah Yathavan, and Arumugam Rajeevan, were charged for using Tamil Coordinating Committee in Melbourne, Australia, to raise funds for the LTTE. They reportedly appeared for the start of their committal hearing at Melbourne Magistrates' Court. Mark Dean S.C., the Commonwealth prosecutor, told court that US$ 1.9 million was deposited into a bank account for the Tamil Coordinating Committee, between 2001 and 2005. He alleged that US$ 1.2 million of that money was withdrawn in cash and used to purchase electronic equipment and other items for the LTTE. He said money provided to the LTTE was collected under the guise of donations for charitable projects and included money raised after the 2004 tsunami.


September 10: The LTTE's procurement and finance chief Shanmugan Kumaran Pathmanadan, alias KP, was arrested in Thailand. KP who has Thai citizenship, runs the global network of LTTE offices and its weapons procurement, logistics and money laundering operations. He has been on Interpol's Most Wanted list for a number of years. He has also been implicated in several assassinations of political leaders. KP, a smuggler of arms and narcotics, operating with bank accounts opened in London, Frankfurt, Denmark, Athens and Australia, was arrested in Bangkok.
September 2: LTTE cadres in France destroyed the flag pole and the national flag at the Sri Lanka Embassy and caused damage to the Embassy premises. The attack occurred hours before Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama arrived in Paris at the start of an official visit to Europe.


August 29: A US Senate Foreign Relations Committee report revealed that the government of Eritrea is providing direct military assistance to the LTTE. The Committee came to this conclusion after a study during 2006 in 20 countries of Asia, Africa, Middle East and Latin America, on American military assistance to combat terrorism.


August 28: The Government launched an investigation into reports that LTTE cadres received 'police' training in the UK, after the 2002 cease-fire agreement (CFA). The probe was ordered after revelations by an LTTE cadre arrested at a police roadblock in Trincomalee. The suspect, Kalimuttu Vinodkumar (29), told police that he was among 12 LTTE cadres sent on a three-month training programme to Northern Ireland, shortly after the CFA was signed. The course had been conducted by foreign instructors, with the help of Tamil translators.


August 22: Tamil broadcasters in Australia are reportedly glorifying LTTE chief Velupillai Prabhakaran and are also raising funds. Often, the radio stations in Melbourne and Sydney are open to the outfit's leaders in the Wanni, who come online regularly, to appeal for funds, by glorifying the LTTE. These stations have a free run because the broadcasts are in Tamil and there is no one to monitor the daily pro-LTTE propaganda. In addition to raising funds and glorifying terrorism, the broadcasters hint at veiled threats to those who do not toe the LTTE line. Some of the leading radio stations are 3ZZZ in Melbourne, Inpath Tamil Vanoli, 24-hours radio in Sydney, Australian Tamil Broadcasting in Sydney and 3CR in Melbourne.


August 21: Three of the four Tamil suspects charged for the Oslo shootout on August 12, appeared in court. The fourth suspect is hospitalised after injuries sustained in the shootout. The Oslo court said that police could detain two of the suspects for four weeks and one suspect for two weeks.


August 16: A court in France has decided to extend the period of detention of all 14 LTTE suspects arrested on April 1, 2007, for a further period of four months till the first week of December 2007. The Sous-direction Anti Terroriste, the counter-terrorism agency in France, is in the process of framing charges against the suspects and according to the French law, if convicted, they could be sentenced for a maximum period of 10-years in jail.


August 15: The government is working on the arrest of the LTTE-linked Singapore based businessman Charles Gnanakone with the help of the Interpol, said Highways Minister Jeyaraj Fernandopulle. He said Gnanakone had openly admitted he had direct links with the LTTE.
August 14: Three top LTTE suspects under detention in Thailand for attempting to smuggle weapons into Sri Lanka in 2003, were deported to Sri Lanka. Sujit Gunapala (27), Sasiljaran Teverajah (27) and Satiepawan Arseawatap (34) were arrested from the Ranong province in Thailand on May 12, 2003, along with 10 Glock pistols and three HK Mark 23 pistols. They pleaded guilty and in November 2003 received a five-year jail sentence. Following their arrest, 14 Thai nationals, including eight security force personnel, were also detained. They were believed to be part of the same smuggling network.


August 12: During a violent clash in Oslo, Norway, between two rival factions of the LTTE, three LTTE cadres, 'Selika' Ranjan, Kannan and Kuhan, were injured. 'Selika' Ranjan later succumbed to his injuries. Clashes erupted between the supporters of Soosai, 'commander' of the Sea-Tigers (sea wing of the LTTE) and cadres from the intelligence wing of the outfit led by Pottu Amman, at REMA1000 supermarket in Kaldbakken and ended outside a house at Gardsveien 2. According to police estimates, there where 10 people involved in the incident.
July 25: Denying a Jane's Intelligence Review report that Cambodia was a source of weapons for the LTTE, the Cambodian Minister of Defence, Tea Banh, told Cambodian media that the report is entirely baseless and there is no authentic evidence to prove it. "The weapons belonging to the Cambodian government are all in the country and nobody will export them to foreign countries," a news report quoted the Minister as saying.
July 23: According to reports, the LTTE is still getting weapons smuggled from Cambodia. Cambodia's Interior ministry spokesman Khieu Sopheak acknowledged that some weapons might still be getting to the LTTE, but said any smuggling would be small-scale. "There could be some bad people involved.... We would like information to lead us to the offenders," he said, and added, "We are victims of weapons, so, we don't want people in other countries to suffer the same crisis."


July 18: The London-based Jane's Intelligence Review said the LTTE has not only created one of the most sophisticated insurgencies in the world but also has an annual 'profit margin' of US$ 200 to US$ 300 million. The report details two overarching financial and procurement bodies that provide the main source of LTTE money, manpower and weapons: the Aiyanna Group and the Office of Overseas Purchases (nicknamed the KP Department). As per Jane's, the Aiyanna Group functions as the group's intelligence and operations body, likely to be responsible for monitoring and ensuring the organisation's financial support and revenue streams, while the KP Department is most probably the procurement arm.

The LTTE creates and staffs some charitable organisations, projecting its influence through this front to raise money from Tamil communities and ultimately, convert the gains into arms, it reports. The report says the system works as an efficient way to move funds wherever investment or procurement opportunities arise, while utilising a charitable façade's tax-free status and legitimacy.


July 13: Protests have poured into the office of the Mayor of London, Ken Livingstone, urging him to ban the Trafalgar Square rally organised by the LTTE on July 14. The Mayor has given permission with restrictions to conduct a meeting organised by Harrow Councilor Daya Idaikadar.

The organisers have reportedly been told not try to propagate the programmes of the outfit and not to publicise the LTTE leader in the form of placards depicting his images.


July 10: An alleged member of the LTTE was arrested in Sydney (Australia) and charged with supporting a terrorist organization. Arumugam Rajeevan (41), has been charged with being a member of a terrorist organisation, providing support or resources to a terrorist outfit and making an asset available to a proscribed entity, the report said. The Australian Federal Police Commissioner Mick Keelty informed that Rajeevan was from Toongabbie in Sydney's West.


July 8: The UK has placed the LTTE as the second most dangerous terrorist group after al Qaeda. The UK already has put 44 groups on its list of terrorist organizations.


July 5: A British Court froze all bank accounts of London LTTE leader A.C. Shanthan alias Krishnatha Kumar and of his wife. Britain's Anti-Terrorism Unit had filed 28 charges against Shanthan, including extortion, operation of business enterprises, printing press and oil storages with ill-gotten wealth.

Those employed at these enterprises were exclusively LTTE members, it was revealed. The money earned by these business ventures as at July 2 is reportedly 4 billion sterling pounds.

The money thus earned had been utilised to purchase weapons from China and Israel to attack the Lankan Navy. Meanwhile, Goldan Lambert who was also arrested along with Shanthan, is under house arrest. Lambert was arrested on charges of kidnapping for ransom and extortion. Another female LTTE cadre, identified as Pakyadevi, is reported to be absconding.


June 30: British Law Enforcement Authorities have requested their Sri Lankan counterparts for details of five Sri Lankan youth charged with kidnapping a Tamil youth, identified as Bavananthan Thirunavukarasu, employed at a filling station in Kent. All five youths, allegedly involved in fund raising activities for the LTTE, are in remand custody. British Police said there are at least five other suspects at large, who have either played a role in the installation of sophisticated credit card cloning equipment and the abduction and kidnapping of the youth.


June 28: President, British Tamil Association, Arunachalam Chrishanthakumar alias Shanthan, the high-ranking agent of the LTTE, and head of finance, Goldan Lambert, were charged by Scotland Yard under the Terrorism Act 2000, with providing support to the LTTE, a proscribed organization in the UK. Shanthan of Norbury town in South London, faced five charges under Terrorism Act 2000. Lambert, of South Croydon, was charged with assisting in the management of the Hyde Park event, knowing it was for the purposes of supporting LTTE, a proscribed organisation.


June 21: One of the prominent LTTE leaders in London, A.C. Shanthan, was arrested by the British police under the Terrorism Act 2000. It is believed that he was detained in relation to an LTTE event held at Hyde Park in London on July 25, 2006.


June 11: French police have collected information regarding those LTTE supporters who traveled from France to Switzerland to participate in the protest march organised by the outfit on June 11. According to reports, police is closely monitoring activities of the outfit's supporters and is also preparing dossiers on LTTE supporters. The backlash against the outfit has been severe in France, as 50 Tamils who worked in the French airports were discontinued from their positions, once police concluded that they were active LTTE supporters.


June 4: The head of the US branch of the LTTE, Karunakaran Kandasamy, and four others pleaded not guilty to charges of assisting a foreign terrorist organization. Karunakaran is accused of heading the US branch of the LTTE and of funneling hundreds of thousands of dollars to fund its activities. Meanwhile, prosecutors said that the LTTE rely on sympathetic expatriates to raise money, get weapons and spread propaganda, adding, to coordinate these activities, the outfit has established branches in at least 12 countries, including an office in the New York borough of Queens.


June 1: The Singapore government assured that it will work closely with the Sri Lankan authorities to curb any possible use of Singaporean territory by the LTTE for its operations.


May 31: The LTTE is soon to be listed as a terrorist organisation in Australia. The move would rank the outfit alongside 19 other proscribed groups, including al Qaeda, Jemiyah Islamiah and the Pakistan-based LeT.
May 17: The Maldives coastguard opened fire on and sank a small vessel carrying suspected LTTE cadres, after a 12-hour standoff at sea in southern territorial waters of Maldives. According to reports, four of the nine-member crew were killed, four others were arrested and one surrendered. Reports said that the vessel, which started off as a deep sea fishing trawler, was hijacked by the LTTE to do some gunrunning for it. The boat was carrying guns and mortar bombs.


In a Quebec Court testimony that concluded on May 17, President, World Tamil Movement, Montreal office, Kathiravelupillai Sithamparanathan, an organization that is suspected of funding the LTTE, has testified that he considers the LTTE as freedom fighters and he supports their activities that would benefit the people. But he denied that his organization has sent money to the outfit. He, however, acknowledged attending a 2004 workshop in Sri Lanka, organized by the outfit. Asked about his view of LTTE chief Prabhakaran, he called him a freedom fighter who is organizing a struggle to win the rights of the people in Sri Lanka. Asked whether the World Tamil Movement supports the LTTE, he replied: "Actions that would benefit people, the right actions, yes."


May 16: A London Court was told that Senthuraj Thavapalasingham alias "Psycho" of Romford is the enforcer leading a gang of LTTE extortionists called "East Side Boys". Newham Council and Metropolitan Police told Stratford Magistrates Court that this gang has been working in Newham for two years. Chief Inspector Derrick Griffiths said, "To my knowledge there are around five Tamil gangs operating in London.

This is a gang of about 30 young men aged between 15 and 32 who are paid by an organization called the LTTE. They were paid to extort money from local businessmen and residents. Their victims were paying anywhere between Pounds 5,000 and 25,000 a year. In one case a businessman was paying 25,000 a year for four years."


May 10: Thirunavukarasu Varatharasa, a Sri Lankan citizen, pleaded guilty in a US court to conspiracy to provide material support to the LTTE and attempted export of arms and ammunition. According to the plea agreement, from April to September 29, 2006, Varatharasa conspired with Haji Subandi, Haniffa Osman and Erick Wotulo to export state-of-the-art firearms, machine guns and ammunition, surface to air missiles, night vision goggles and other military weapons to the LTTE.


National Post reported that the LTTE has been aggressively fundraising in Montreal using a sophisticated pre-authorized payment scheme and other methods to collect money from the city's 25,000-strong Tamil community.


May 6: A Hindu temple in south London, which reportedly raises nearly £500,000 each year, may have possible links to the LTTE in Sri Lanka. A BBC report said that the Armulmihu Hindu temple in Tooting "has had its assets frozen pending an investigation into alleged links with the UK banned Tamil Tigers."


May 5: A Singapore-based terrorism expert Rohan Gunaratna said that the LTTE has been procuring aircraft, arms, explosives and other technological devices from Australia for more than a decade.
May 1: Australian Police arrested two suspected LTTE cadres, Aruran Vinayagamoorthy (who had access to US$ 526,000 in two bank accounts between August 2001 and December 2005) and Sivarajah Yathavan, after raids in Sydney and Melbourne on the charges of providing material support and funneling money collected from donors in the garb of a tsunami charity to the outfit.


April 28: Six Sri Lankans, including the prime accused Satrubarajah Shanamugarajah alias Ruby, connected to the LTTE were convicted for organized crime in Norway. More than 5.3 million Norwegian Kroner have reportedly been stolen in Norway's largest credit card scam which has links to LTTE cells in Canada, England, Germany and Sweden.
April 25: The 'director' of LTTE in New York, Karunakaran Kandasamy, was arrested by the FBI in Queens, on charges of providing material support to a foreign terrorist organization.

The group headed by him, reportedly, operated in the US "drawing on America's financial resources and technological advances to further its war of terror in Sri Lanka and elsewhere. A FBI raid on Kandasamy's office in Queens has revealed evidence that he raised millions of dollars for the Tamil Tigers, through a front organization called the World Tamil Coordinating Committee."


April 8: French Police cancelled permission granted earlier to hold a protest rally in Paris condemning the arrest of LTTE cadres on April 1. The LTTE-controlled business chamber, youth organization and women front of the outfit were involved in organizing the proposed protest rally.
April 5: A 55-year old Singapore national, Haniffa Bin Osman, pleaded guilty to conspiracy to provide material support to the LTTE, said US Attorney for the District of Maryland. Three others, including, Haji Subandi and Erick Wotulo, both Indonesian citizens, pleaded guilty to attempting to illegally export arms for the outfit.


A Court in Paris remanded 15 LTTE cadres and released four of them out of a total 19 arrested on charges of illegal fund-raising.
April 1: The leader of the LTTE's French branch since 2003, Nadarajah Mathinthiran alias 'Parathi' and Thuraisamy Jeyamorthy alias 'Jeya', who are in charge of money collection in France, were among 17 LTTE suspects arrested. During 2006, the LTTE reportedly collected more than six million euros, where each Tamil family was forced to pay 2000 euros per year and shopkeepers were made to pay 6000 euros.


March 25: LTTE reportedly supplied forged passports to Ramzi Yousef who bombed the World Trade Center, counter terrorism expert Aaron Mannes said.


March 20: Falk Rovik, chief spokesperson of the Norwegians against Terrorism, said in Toronto that the LTTE have stolen hundreds of Norwegian passports and sold them to al Qaeda to earn money.
March 8: Haji Subandi, an international arms dealer from Indonesia, pleaded guilty in a federal court in Guam in USA, to conspiring to export guns, surface-to-air missiles and other military hardware to LTTE.


January 30: Interpol Headquarters in France, issued a worldwide arrest warrant for LTTE Sea Tiger leader, Thillayampalam Sivanesan alias Soosai, identifying him as a fugitive wanted for prosecution consequent to the facts forwarded by the Central Investigation Department to Court.


January 19: Police in the Tamil Nadu capital of Chennai, arrested G. Elango, an LTTE agent carrying a British passport, along with 28 ATM cards. Elango illegally withdrew over INR 30 lakhs from the ATMs and later sent it to the UK, through unauthorized channels. Elango, hailing from Middlesex, is reportedly a shareholder in 'Thamilini' -- a cash and carry grocery shops chain operated by the LTTE in UK.

President on three-day official visit to Japan

PRESIDENT Mahinda Rajapaksa will pay a three-day official visit to Japan on the invitation of Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda from December 9 to 11.

The purpose of this visit is to widen existing bilateral relations between the two countries in the economic, political, social, cultural and religious fields, a Presidential Secretariat release said.

During his visit, President Rajapaksa will hold bilateral talks with Japanese leaders.

Japan consists of four main islands Honshu, Hokkaido, Kynshu and Shikoku and over 3,000 other smaller islands. Its total land area is 377,835 square kilometres.

Japan is a leading economic giant in the world. Its per capita income is over US $33,000 and literary rate is 99 per cent.

Japan has a total population of nearly 128 million and 84 per cent comprise Buddhists. The Japanese total annual export turnover exceeds US $ 590 billion . It is a leader in the field of automobiles and electronics.

Relations between Sri Lanka and Japan date back to the 7th century AD. History records that Japanese Bhikkhu Amoga Vajra visited Anuradhapura in the past to learn Buddhism. Sri Lanka-Japan relations which were restricted to the economic and religious sectors initially extended to cover the political field as well by the second half of the 20th century.

Sri Lanka was among the nine Asian countries which attended the San Fransico Conference on Japan in 1951. Developing these relations further Yasushi Akashi was named the Japanese Peace Envoy to Sri Lanka in November 2002. Akashi engaged in the peace effort by meeting Government and LTTE representatives from time to time.

Almost 22 percent of Sri Lanka’s export income is derived through the export of tea to Japan. Among other items exported to Japan are fish based products, garments, textiles accessories, choir and rubber based products including tyres.

Sri Lanka’s major imports from Japan include light vehicles, motor spare parts, electrical goods, Electronic accessories, machinery, iron and steel. Japan has made major investments in Sri Lanka in the 1970 decade.

Sri Lanka ranks third among the countries receiving Japanese aid which is supplied in Yen. Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation, Sri Jayewardenapura Hospital and the National Youth Services Council headquarters are symbols of Japanese donations.

Japan has assisted Sri Lanka in major large scale infrastructure projects such as construction of expressways, roads, bridges, power stations etc. The Japan Bank for International Co-operation provided Rs. 1022 million for construction of the Manampitiya bridge, Sri Lanka’s longest bridge which was opened recently.

The Bank has pledged Rs. 46817 million towards the Outer Colombo Circular Road due to be completed in 2011. When Presidential Senior Advisor Basil Rajapaksa visited Japan this year (2007) Japan provided 39233 billion Yen as the 38th aid package to Sri Lanka.

50 years of Japan-Sri Lanka Technical Co-operation was completed in 2005. JICA has implemented a large number of Technical Co-operation projects in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka receives 30 to 40 million dollars annually as aid for JICA projects. More than 200 Sri Lankans gain technical training in Japan annually.

Several cement, porcelain, steel, electric and electronic industries are functioning in Sri Lanka with Japanese co-operation.