Wednesday, May 7, 2008
”இலங்கைத் தீவிலிருந்து பிரபா குழுவினர் முழுமையாக துடைத்தெறியப்படும் நாளன்று எமது ஆயுதப் பிரிவு கலைக்கப்படும்.” பிள்ளையான் - நேர்காணல்
≡ Category: நேர்காணல்கள், மறுபிரசுரங்கள் | ≅
“பிரபாகரன் குழுவிடமிருந்து எங்களையும், கிழக்கு மாகாணத்தில் வாழும் தமிழ், முஸ்லிம், சிங்கள மக்களையும் பாதுகாப்பதற்காகவே நாங்கள் ஆயுதம் வைத்திருக்கின்றோம். எங்கள் துப்பாக்கிகள் பொதுமக்களை அச்சுறுத்துவதற்காகவல்ல. இலங்கைத் தீவிலிருந்து பிரபாகரன் குழுவினர் முழுமையாகத் துடைத்தெறியப்படும் நாளன்று எமது ஆயுதப் பிரிவு கலைக்கப்படும். ஆயுதங்கள் அரசிடம் ஒப்படைக்கப்படும்.” தினகரன் பத்திரிகையில் 2008.05.04ஆந் திகதி பிரசுரமாகியிருந்த பேட்டியொன்றிலே பிள்ளையான் எனப்படும் சிவநேசதுரை சந்திரகாந்தன் மேற்கண்டவாறு கூறியிருக்கிறார். இப்பேட்டியின் சுருக்கம் கீழே சுருக்கமாகத் தொகுத்துத் தரப்பட்டுள்ளது.
கேள்வி: தமிழ் மக்கள் விடுதலைப் புலிகள் அமைப்பு முஸ்லிம் விரோத பின்னணியைக் கொண்டது என்று முஸ்லிம் காங்கிரஸ் முன்வைக்கும் குற்றச்சாட்டு பற்றி உங்கள் கருத்து என்ன?
பிள்ளையான்: பிரபாகரனின் தலைமையில் இயங்கும் எல்.ரி.ரி..ஈ. எனப்படுகின்ற அமைப்பானது முஸ்லிம் விரோத பின்னணி கொண்டது என்பதற்காக அதிலிருந்து பிளவுபட்டு உருவாகிய எம்மையும் அதே பார்வையில் பார்ப்பது என்பது பிழையான நோக்காகும். காரணம் ஒரு அமைப்பிலிருந்து பிரிந்து இன்னுமொரு அமைப்பு உருவாவது என்பதற்கு கொள்கை வேறுபாடுகளே காரணமாகும். நாங்கள் எல்.ரி.ரி.ஈ. இன் உருமாற்றல்ல. அதிலிருந்து பிளவுபட்டவர்கள். எல்.ரி.ரி.ஈ. இன் போக்கிலிருந்து பிரிந்து வேறு திசை திரும்பியவர்கள். எல்.ரி.ரி.ஈ. இன் பாஸிச அடையாளங்களை எம்மிடமிருந்து துடைத்தெறிந்தவர்கள்.
அத்தோடு, எல்.ரி.ரி.ஈ. ஆனது யாழ்ப்பாணத்தில் உருவாகி வந்த தனி தமிழ் கோ~ங்களின் இராணுவ வடிவமாகும். யுதார்த்த சூழலில் இந்த தனி தமிழ் கோ~மானது தமிழர்களின் மத அடையாளமாக சைவர்களை மட்டுமே கருத்திற் கொண்டது. இதிலிருந்துதான் எல்.ரி.ரி.ஈ. யிடம் முஸ்லிம்களை ஒரு அரைத் தமிழர்களாக பார்க்கின்ற பார்வையும் முஸ்லிம்கள் மீதான விரோதமும் உருவானது.
ஆனால், நாம் தமிழீழ கோஸத்தை கைவிட்டிருக்கின்றோம். குறிப்பாக கிழக்கு மண்ணில் தனி தமிழ் கோஸமோ, தனி முஸ்லிம் கோஸமோ பொருத்தப்பாடற்றது என தெளிவடைந்திருக்கின்றோம். கிழக்கு மாகாணத்தின் வளர்ச்சிக்கும், அமைதியான எதிர்காலத்திற்கும் தமிழ், முஸ்லிம், சிங்கள, பறங்கிய மக்களிடையேயான ஐக்கியமே முன் நிபந்தனை என்பதை அனுபவ ரீதியாக கண்டறிந்துள்ளோம். ஆகவேதான் கிழக்கு மண்ணின் பல்லின கலாசாரத்தை எமது ரி.எம்.வி.பி. பகிரங்கமாக அங்கீகிரிக்கிறது. எமது பார்வை இப்படியிருக்க நாம் முஸ்லிம் விரோத பின்னணியை கொண்டவர் என்பது அபத்தம்.
கேள்வி: தமிழ் அமைப்புக்களும், தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பும் உங்களை ஆயுதக் குழு என முன்வைக்கும் குற்றச்சாட்டு பற்றி?
பிள்ளையான்: கிழக்கு மாகாணம் ஆனது பிரதேச ரீதியில் தமிழ் தலைவர்களால் இரண்டாம் பட்சமாக்கப்படுகின்றது என்ற அதிருப்தியிலிருந்து உருவானதே ரி.எம்.வி.பி. என்பதை நீங்கள் மறந்திருக்க மாட்டீர்கள். இந்நிலையில் எமது வரவை கிழக்கு மாகாண மக்கள் பெருவாரியாக வரவேற்கின்றார்கள் என்பதன் அடையாளமே கடந்த உள்@ராட்சித் தேர்தலில் எமக்கு அளிக்கப்பட்ட அமோக வெற்றியாகும். இந்த அங்கீகாரம் ஆனது இதுவரை காலமும் இருந்த அனைத்துவித அரசியற் கட்சிகளுக்கும் அவர்களின் கொள்கைகளுக்கும் ஏற்பட்ட பாரிய தோல்வியாகும்.
உங்களுக்குத் தெரியும். வடக்கு, கிழக்கு மாகாணங்களில் இதுவரை காலமும் இருந்த வந்த தமிழ் காங்கிரஸ், தமிழரசுக் கட்சி, தமிழர் விடுதலைக் கூட்டணி, தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பு, PLOTE, EPRLF, TELO, LTTE என்று எந்த அமைப்பை எடுத்துக் கொண்டாலும் அவற்றின் உருவாக்கமும், தலைமையும் வடக்கிலேயே மையம் கொண்டிருந்தது. ஆனால், வரலாற்றிலேயே முதல் தடவையாக இதில் மாற்றத்தை ஏற்படுத்தியுள்ளது ரி.எம்.வி.பி.யின் வரவாகும். இதை அவர்களால் பொறுத்துக்கொள்ள முடியவில்லை.
கேள்வி: நீண்ட காலமாக தமிழீழம் என்ற நிலைப்பாட்டில் இருந்த நீங்கள் உங்கள் இன்றைய நிலைப்பாட்டை எடுப்பதற்கு உங்களைத் தூண்டிய காரணிகள் யாவை?
பிள்ளையான்: தமிழீழம் எனும் அழகான கற்பனையில் மயங்கியிருந்தோம் என்று நான் ஒப்புக் கொள்வதற்கு வெட்கப்படவில்லை. நீங்கள் குறிப்பிட்டதைப் போன்று அதற்காக நாங்கள் செய்த தியாகங்கள் எண்ணிலடங்காதவை. 2002ஆம் ஆண்டு சமாதான உடன்படிக்கை ஏற்படுத்தப்பட்ட போது எமது அமைப்பு சாதித்திருந்த இராணுவ ரீதியிலான வெற்றிகளை எமது மக்களுக்கு வேண்டிய அரசியல் பலமாக மாற்றக்கூடிய அரியதொரு வாய்ப்பு எமக்குக் கிடைத்தது. இது பற்றிய எதிர்பார்ப்பு எமது மக்களிடம் பாரிய அளவில் எழுந்திருந்தது. போரின் இடிபாடுகளுக்குள்ளிருந்து ஒரு வெளிச்சம் தெரியாதா என்று எமது மக்கள் சுமார் 20 வருட காலம் ஏங்கிக் கிடந்தார்கள்.
கொடிய யுத்தத்தாலும், அழிவுகளாலும் தமிழ் மக்கள் மிகவும் பலவீனமான ஒரு சமூகமாக சீரழிந்து கிடந்தார்கள். காடுகளுக்குள் இருந்த நாம் மக்களின் நிலைமைகளையும், விருப்பங்களையும் நேரடியாக கண்டுகொள்ள சமாதான காலம் எமக்கு வாய்ப்பளித்தது. ஆனால், புலிகளின் தலைவர்களான பிரபாகரனும், பொட்டம்மானும் ஒரு போதும் வெளியே வரவில்லை. மக்களின் மனவிருப்பங்கள் என்னவென்பதை புரிந்து கொள்ள அவர்கள் மறுத்தனர். எமது தலைவர் கருணா அம்மான் அவர்களை பேச்சுவார்த்தையில் ஈடுபடுத்திக் கொண்டே மறுபுறம் யுத்த தயாரிப்பில் முனைப்பு கொள்ளுமாறு அவருக்கு கட்டளையிடப்பட்டது.
குறிப்பாக கிழக்கு மாகாணத்தில் மென்மேலும் ஆயிரக்கணக்கான இளைஞர்களை ஆயுதப் போராட்டத்திற்கு தயார்படுத்த நாம் பணிக்கப்பட்டோம். ஆனால், எம்மால் அதனை செய்ய முடியவில்லை. எமது மக்களின் வெறுப்புகளுக்கு நாம் ஆளாக வேண்டியிருந்தது. வட மாகாணத்து இளைஞர்கள் எல்லாம் ஒருபுறம் வெளிநாடுகளுக்கு தப்பிச் செல்லும் வாய்ப்புக்கள் இருந்தது. மறுபுறம் பிரபாகரனின் வெற்றிற்கு கிழக்கு மாகாண இளையோர் பட்டாளம் கூலிப்படையாக, கூலி கூட இல்லை. அடிமை வீரர்களாக பலியிடப்பட்டுக் கொண்டிருந்தார்கள். இதனையிட்டு எமது பிரதேச மக்களும், புத்திஜீவிகளும் எம் மீது கடும் அதிருப்தி கொள்ள நேரிட்டது. இது போன்ற இன்னும் பல காரணங்களே எம்மை பிரபாகரனின் தலைமையை வெறுக்க செய்தது. இயக்கத்தை பிரிந்து சுமார் ஆறாயிரம் இளைஞர்கள், யுவதிகளை ஆயுதங்களை கைவிடச் செய்தது. எங்களை அமைதியையும், அபிவிருத்தியையும் நோக்கி பயணிக்கச் செய்தது. இன்று ஜனநாயக நீரோட்டத்தில் கலந்து கொள்ளச் செய்துள்ளது.
கேள்வி: அரசாங்க வேட்பாளர் பட்டியலில் ஆயுதக் குழுவொன்று போட்டியிடுவதால் இத்தேர்தல் நீதியான தேர்தலாக இருக்காது என்று ஐக்கிய தேசியக் கட்சி நாடு முழுவதும் கூறிவருகின்றது. இது பற்றிய உங்கள் அபிப்பிராயம் என்ன? தேர்தல் நீதியாக நடைபெறும் என்பதை உறுதிப்படுத்துவீர்களா?
பிள்ளையான்: உள்@ராட்சித் தேர்தலுக்கு முன்பும் இது போன்ற சந்தேகங்கள் எழுப்பப்பட்டது. சிலவேளை ரி.எம்.வி.பி. ஆனது ஒரு ஆயுதம் தாங்கிய படைப் பிரிவையும் வைத்துக் கொண்டு அரசியல் கட்சியாக செயற்படுவதிலிருந்து இவ்வச்சங்கள் எழுந்ததில் சில நியாயங்கள் இருக்கலாம். நாங்கள் ஆயுதங்களை வைத்திருப்பது பிரபா குழுவிடமிருந்து எம்மை மட்டுமல்ல, எமது மக்களையும் பாதுகாக்கத்தான். எமது மக்கள் எனும் போது கிழக்கில் வாழ்கின்ற தமிழ், சிங்கள, முஸ்லிம் மக்களையும் பாதுகாக்கத்தான். மாறாக எமது துப்பாக்கிகள் பொதுமக்கள் யாரையும் அச்சுறுத்துவதற்காக அல்ல.
அது மட்டுமல்ல, இப்போது அரச படைகள் கிழக்கினை கட்டுப்பாட்டுக்குள் கொண்டு வந்துள்ள நிலையில் எமது படைப் பிரிவுகள் முற்றாக முடக்கப்பட்டுள்ளன. இலங்கைத் தீவிலிருந்து பிரபா குழுவினர் முழுமையாக துடைத்தெறியப்படும் நாளன்று எமது ஆயுதப் பிரிவு கலைக்கப்படும். ஆயுதங்கள் அரசிடம் ஒப்படைக்கப்படும். அதுவரை எமது பேராளிகளும், ஆயுதங்களும் உறங்கு நிலையிலிருக்கும்.
கேள்வி: கருணா குழு முஸ்லிம் மக்களிடம் கப்பம் வாங்கி அவர்களைத் துன்புறுத்தியது என்றும் அத்தகையோரை பதவியில் அமர்த்துவதா என்றும் முஸ்லிம் காங்கிரஸ் பிரசாரம் செய்கிறது. இது பற்றி என்ன கூறுகிறீர்கள்?
பிள்ளையான்: 2004ஆம் ஆண்டு எல்.ரி.ரி.ஈ.யிலிருந்து பிரிந்து நாங்கள் ஜனநயாக வழிக்கு வந்தபோது சுமார் 6000 போராளிகள் எங்களிடம் இருந்தனர். அவ்வேளை வன்னியிலிருந்து எங்கள் மீது படையெடுப்பு நடந்தது. அவ்வேளை ஏற்பட்ட கலவர சூழலில் பல இடங்களில் ஆயுதங்கள் புதைக்கப்பட்டன. சில வேளைகளில் சில விசமிகளின் கரங்களிலும் இவ்வாயுதங்கள் அகப்பட்டன. இந்நிலையில் கிழக்கில் மட்டுமல்ல, இலங்கையின் ஏனைய பாகங்களிலும் சில கடத்தல்கள், கப்பங்கள் நடத்தப்பட்டன.
இவையனைத்தையும் எல்லோரும் சேர்ந்து எங்கள் தலையில் போட்டார்கள். சில இடங்களில் தமிழ், முஸ்லிம் மக்களிடையே ஒரு கலவர சூழலை ஏற்படுத்தி அதில் குளிர்காய்வதற்காக பிரபா குழு உறுப்பினர்கள் இதனை திட்டமிட்டுச் செய்தனர். ஆனால், இப்போது எந்தவொரு சம்பவங்களும் இல்லை. கிழக்கில் நாங்கள் கால் பதித்ததிலிருந்து எந்தச் சம்பவங்களும் இல்லை. இயல்பு நிலை வழமைக்கு திரும்பியுள்ளது. எங்களைப் பொறுத்தவரை முஸ்லிம்களிடமல்ல தமிழர்களிடம் கூட நாங்கள் கப்பம் பெறுவதில்லை.
கேள்வி: எல்.ரி.ரி.ஈ. அதற்கு முன் தமிழ் மிதவாதத் தலைவர்களும் இலங்கையில் இனப்பிரச்சினை இருக்கின்றது என்ற அடிப்படையிலேயே செயற்பட்டிருக்கின்றார்கள். இன்றும் இனப்பிரச்சினை நீங்கள் முன்வைக்கும் தீர்வு என்ன?
பிள்ளையான்: முதல்படியாக நாம் இன்றுள்ள மாகாண சபைகளை ஏற்றுக்கொண்டு கிழக்கு மாகாணசபைத் தேர்தலில் போட்டியிடுகின்றோம். அதில் வெற்றிபெற்று ஆட்சியமைப்போம். ஆதற்கூடாக பல வேலைத்திட்டங்களை மக்களுக்கு செய்வோம். இனப் பிரச்சினைக்கான தீர்வுத் திட்டத்தினை தேர்தல் முடிந்த பிற்பாடு நடைபெறவிருக்கும் சர்வகட்சி மாநாடொன்றில் முன்வைப்பதாக உள்ளோம். இதில் மாகாண சபையைவிட கூடிய அதிகாரங்களைக் கொண்ட ஏற்பாடுகள் அடங்கியிருக்கும்.
Monday, April 7, 2008
Betrayal of our community not my forte - Hisbullah
The forthcoming elections to the Eastern Provincial Council (EPC) have turned into a political ‘tussle’ with the dramatic moves by the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) heavyweights with its leader Rauf Hakeem turning more ‘green’ and the former Deputy Minister and member of the high command of the SLMC, M.L.A.M. Hisbullah turning ‘blue’.
Accusing each other for betraying the Muslim community both are eyeing for the Chief Ministerial post. In an interview with the ‘Sunday Observer’ Hisbullah said that the SLMC Leader was in an election ‘ploy’ for self centred political gains and the three communities, especially the Muslims, should not be fallen prey into this trap.
Hisbullah, who had started the election campaign from his hometown Kattankudy yesterday requested the people of the East to join hands with the UPFA despite ethnicity to win the election. He said that this would be a good opportunity to develop the East, which has heavily suffered for the last 25 years due to the LTTE terrorism and also the tsunami disaster.
“A large amount of funds has been allocated to the Eastern development. It is the high time to work together for a common goal. My request is to vote for the UPFA which is the party could lead a success development drive in the East”, he said.
Following are the excerpts of the interview:
Q: You have said that it was only by joining the government, Muslims of the East could aspire to have a Chief Minister. How is it possible when the Muslims are divided?
A: Yes. After liberating the East from the grip of the LTTE terrorism, people have faith in the President Rajapaksa and his government. So, only the UPFA can secure over 78 percent of the power in the EPC. Since the Eastern victory the TMVP too has a good base in the EPC, they together can field the majority of votes in the EPC.
The UNP does not have a good base there and it can secure a maximum of two or three seats. So the Muslims cannot achieve their targets by joining the UNP. After I joined the UPFA, the SLMC can win only five seats. The UNP-SLMC coalition can get a maximum of eight seats. I think joining with the UNP is a losing battle. Insha Allah! I am 100 percent confident we will win.
Q: You were with the SLMC Leader Rauf Hakeem until very recently. How can you call him as a traitor overnight?
A: He betrayed the Muslims and has gone against the wish of the Muslims. He thinks only about him and he wants to fulfil his own agendas. Hakeem wants to satisfy the leadership of the UNP.
Before I join the UPFA he told me that the SLMC needs to help the UNP as it is very weak in the EPC. He said that the UNP can win three seats and the outcome would badly reflect in the future elections. So Hakeem wanted to protect the UNP. He has his own agendas and he did not think about the Muslims. That is why I call him as a traitor.
Q: How confident are you that you could fulfil the aspirations of the former SLMC Leader who wanted a Muslim to be the Chief Minister in the Eastern Province?
A: Insha Allah, I will win and would be able to make the dream of our late leader M. H. M. Ashraff, a reality.
Q: Why do you think that Mr. Hakeem rejected the invitation of the government to jointly contest the EPC polls?
A: It is basically due to his power hunger. He wants to remain as the SLMC leader for ever. His advisers have told him not to allow any Muslim from the East to become the Chief Minister as it will be a threat to his leadership.
That is why he joined the UNP to divide Muslims into segments. But we know his aspirations well.
Q: If he is not genuine why did he sacrifice his Parliamentary seat?. How do you see this?
A: This is an utter joke! Simply he wants to mislead Muslims to get sympathy to achieve his targets. The two National List vacancies have not yet filled.
He does not want to fill these two vacancies until the election finishes.
Because after the election he will be re-appointed to the Parliament from the SLMC National List. So he has cheated the whole Muslim community now.
Hakeem was elected from Kandy district at the beginning and was defeated later. Then he was the MP for Ampara and also lost the seat. Now he tries his luck from Trincomalee. But the Muslim community know the reality and I strongly believe that he cannot fool them now. And we think Muslims in the EP will not be trapped in his net any more.
Q: The TMVP is adamant that a Tamil should become a chief minister of EPC. In this context how confident are you that a Muslim would be selected to that post?
A: No, this is not possible. According to my information no political party has been given the guarantee of the Chief Ministerial post. The President will decide to whom this post should be offered after the election. Whichever party that gets more seats will be considered as the most suitable for this post. No one can keep hopes about the post now.
Q: Are you going to remain in the UPFA government in future or it is only for the EPC?
A: I am a strong SLMCer. I will remain in the SLMC for ever and will contest the election under the UPFA. No idea to cross over to the UPFA.
Q: Are you fully confident that you will become the Chief Minister of the EPC?
A: Insha Alllah, I am fully confident that I will become the Chief Minister of the EPC and I try my best to fulfil the aspirations of the majority of Muslims in the country as well as in the East.
Q: How do you cooperate with the TMVP which is still armed?
A: The TMVP agreed to not to use weapons. A calm environment is prevailing here. The situation is improving. We can not see TMVP carders carrying arms.
Let’s hope for the best.
Q: If you become the Chief Minister how do you disarm the Pillaiyan Group?
A: I will never allow any group to be armed in my Province other than the groups which are officially entitled to be armed. If the TMVP carry arms they have to lay down them. The security of the Province is strengthened and no political party needs to carry arms here.
Q: If you are not appointed as the Chief Minister what will be your political future?
A: If so, I will be with the government and commence my work for the betterment of the Muslims. And I will also help the government in its development process in the Eastern province. I also wish to help the Chief Minister who ever appointed from which ever party, to achieve his targets to serve the people of my Province.
Q: Majority of Muslims do not have faith in the SLMC now as the party hierarchy is always playing musical chairs to grab power. What is your comment?
A: I think Muslims’ only desire is to have a Muslim Chief Minister for the Eastern Province. Though the Leader took a different move at the last minute breaching the trust reposed in him still the people continue to have the trust in us. They wanted us to join the UPFA as this is the only Alliance that Muslims can keep hopes for winning the Post. No other party can achieve this.
Q: Don’t you think in this ‘game’ for power has badly affected the future of the SLMC?
A: Yes. What has really happened was we have decided to capture power in the East. There are nine Chief Ministers in the country and seven belong to the Sinhalese community and one will go for the Tamils in the North.
The only province that the Muslims have their majority is the Eastern province and we want a Muslim to be the Chief Minister. There are over 41.7% Muslims in the Eastern province where there are only 39.9% Tamils.
So everybody in our Muslim circle have decided to capture power at this election. Even last Friday at the Mosque, a large crowd of over 6,000 Muslims appreciated my willingness to join the UPFA. And they wanted to teach a lesson to Hakeem. Now what Hakeem says is that his intention is not to become the Chief Minister but to defeat Hisbullah. Do you think that in this situation Muslims will accept his wish. No. He has misled the whole Muslim community.
Q: Did you join the UPFA following a request by the prominent Muslim leaders or this is solely a decision of yours?
A: No this is not only my decision but the decision by the prominent religious leaders and intellectuals. Especially, the ULAMA, the group which represents the prominent Muslim religious leaders gathered in Colombo discussed the matter and finally they requested me to contest for the Chief Ministerial post to capture power in the East. So this is not only my decision. I accepted the invitation because it was the request of the ULAMA.
Q: Earlier the SLMC rejected the 13th Amendment. What is your stance now?
A: No, it is wrong. The SLMC never objected the power sharing under the 13 the Amendment. What our late leader suggested was to seek a permanent solution to the on-going crisis through merging the North and East. And under that situation we asked a separate unit within the North and East for the Muslim community. That was our original plan.
Q: Do you still want a separate unit for Muslims?
A: Yes. The SLMC has not changed our desire and still we remain in the same stance.
Q: Are you satisfied with the performances of the Mahinda Rajapaksa government in dealing with issues of the Muslims and also development of the Eastern region?
A: Yes, We are generally satisfied with the government in its attempt to solve the problems of the Muslims. But there are some land disputes in Ampara district.
There Muslims are not happy with the government because on the instruction of the Minister of Environment, Champika Ranawake their lands have been acquired by the government under the Forest Ordinance.
I have raised this issue with the President Rajapaksa and he agreed to settle some of these issues. So we are hopefully waiting for a positive response from the government. But I do not think these issues can be solved if we join the UNP.
Q: Do you think that the SLMC Leader has betrayed the Muslims right to self-determination?
A: Yes, very much. As I mentioned earlier he has betrayed the Muslims solely for his personal dealings with the UNP. That has been revealed.
Q: You said that the Muslims can achieve their target under the UPFA but not with the UNP. Do not you think that the UNP will come to power in future?
A: I am not talking about the elections after the EPC. If the UNP contests alone they would get only two seats, Ampara and Trincomalee.
Their poor performances at the election would affect the future of the UNP badly. That is why the Opposition Leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe had pleaded Hakeem to help him by contesting under the UNP. After accepting the invitation, Hakeem said that he wanted to save the UNP’s future.
Q: The SLMC had several discussions with the Muslim Ministers to form a Muslim Alliance. Why did you fail?
A: Yes, the SLMC had several rounds of talks with the United Muslim Association (UMA), which is the intellectual body of the Muslims and the ULAMA about the issues.
These two bodies invited all the Muslim Ministers and eminent Muslim personalities and announced that all Muslim political parties should contest under the government. There Hakeem said that it was not possible as he crossed over to the opposition few months ago and he could not go back to the government.
They accepted his problem. Then they suggested us to form an Alliance and contest under one symbol. But objecting to their proposal he said that he was not willing to contest under any other symbol than the SLMC’s. He opposed the proposal continuously and insisted that the SLMC should contest under the SLMC symbol.
Here, it is obvious why he refused all those proposals to join the government. He was in another mission and only known to him, how he accepted the invitation of the Opposition Leader. He agreed to give up the issue of party symbol when it was asked by the UNP.
Finally he has agreed to contest under the UNP’s symbol. The two prominent Muslim bodies which were angry over his behaviour had discussed themselves and finally requested me to contest under UPFA. I accepted to contest the EPC under a common platform.
Minister Ameer Ali said that the resignation drama staged by Rauff Hakeem and the other two members of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress will not have any impact on the provincial council election.
He said that United Peoples Freedom Alliance would win convincingly despite the unconvincing drama staged by the SLMC leadership. He cautioned the Muslims and Tamils not to fall headlong into the traps of the UNP-SLMC combine, who might arouse racial tensions for political gain.
Ameer Ali, Minister of Disaster Relief Services said that they earlier invited Sri Lanka Muslim Congress to come forward to contest jointly with all the other Muslim groups and parties together under a common platform. A meeting was organized by the Muslim Ministers, ULAMAS (religious leaders), scholars and other eminent persons from the Muslim community.
“When Muslim politicians and religious leaders held a meeting with the SLMC leader and party members to unite all Muslim parties under one umbrella, Rauff Hakeem said that the SLMC would contest only under its ‘Tree symbol’”.
Hakeem also rejected the Government’s invitation to the SLMC to contest jointly with the Government. “He insisted on contesting under the ‘Tree’ symbol. The SLMC leader had since decided to forge an alliance with the UNP to contest under the Elephant symbol after the latter refused to contest under his ‘Tree’ symbol.
Rauff Hakeem joining the UNP and abandoning the SLMC’s ‘Tree’ symbol does not augur well for them, warned Ameer Ali.
He warned that as an election ploy, stirring-up of racial tension for the sake of self-centered political gains might be the trick up in their sleeves to win the Muslim votes. Ameer Ali added that Muslims and Tamils should be on the watch out and should not fall into the trap of rabble rousers who are planning to stir Tamil-Muslim tension to win the Provincial Council elections.
* People of the East have faith in President Rajapaksa and his Government.
* The UPFA has a powerful base in the East.
* A Muslim can be appointed as the Chief Minister only by joining the UPFA.
* SLMC Leader betrayed the Muslims.
* His intention is to save the UNP.
* Hakeem thinks a Muslim leader from the Eastern province is a threat to the SLMC Leadership.
* Sacrificing Parliamentary seats is an utter joke.
* They will be re-appointed from the National List.
* The ‘power struggle’ has weakened the faith towards the SLMC.
* The SLMC still wants a separate unit within the East for Muslims.
UNP-SLMC alliance holds edge in east
Twenty-four-year-old Inpanathan Rushikanthan, a mason, his wife and their four-year-old daughter left the once Tiger guerrilla stronghold of Kokkadicholai soon after the December 2004 tsunami. He thought there were greener pastures in the Government-controlled Batticaloa district where recovery work was under way.
He joined his relatives in a newly built housing complex in Ariyampathi in the Kattankudi Police area. It was a fishing hamlet battered by the tsunami. An NGO had built the houses. Finding easy work had changed his life. He and his family were happy.
On Sunday March 30, after dinner they were to retire when there was a knock at the door. "Who are you all?" Rushikanthan asked. A voice responded, "We are from the Police. We want to check your house." The family raised cries but the neighbours were frightened to respond. Power supply in the vicinity had been knocked off from a nearby lamp-post. They refused to open the door.
 |
| Wickremesinghe and Hakeem: A blossoming alliance. |
One of them tried to enter through the roof of the house. "I saw a rifle in his hand," said Nadeswari (22), Rushikanthan's wife. They forced open the door. My daughter was hugging her father. "They forced them apart and dragged him away. I saw them thrusting him into a white van that sped away," she said. The following morning, Nadeswari said, she lodged a complaint at the Kattankudy Police Station. She also made representations to the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP) office in the area.
Nadeswari and her daughter are distraught and await the return of their beloved one, her husband and her daughter's father. "No one will do this except a powerful armed group," she says. However, she does not identify the group. She fears the reason for the abduction of her husband being that his brother was a Tiger guerrilla cadre who was killed in a confrontation.
Then there was Sinniah Eelamaran (29), a father of two from Eruvil near Kalawanchchikudi. In the morning of Monday March 31, he was walking to school, Tikkodi Tamil Maha Vidyalaya. He was shot dead by unknown gunmen. The next day, his wife complained to the local office of the Eelam People's Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF). Eelamaran was a supporter of this group. His wife said she was frightened to go to the Police. Party officials later complained to Kalawanchikudi Police that one of their supporter's had been gunned down.
These are just two from a catalogue of incidents that have triggered off fear and panic in the Batticaloa district, the bowel of the Eastern Province. The Government declared it had seized control of almost the entirety of the East following conduct of successful military operations against the LTTE that ended in July, last year. Last month, local government elections were held in this district and the TMVP, backed by the Mahinda Rajapaksa administration won it. This is in the absence of any formidable opposition political parties contesting the polls.
What was once a district partly dominated by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) but now in the hands of their erstwhile comrades, the TMVP. Paradoxical enough, the group has now gained both political and, in a sense, military control of the area. Anyone suspected of having connections or colluding with Tiger guerrillas faces strong reprisals. Like the Tiger guerrillas in the Wanni, they collect their own 'taxes', and are now the power to be reckoned with.
In other words, the TMVP in Batticaloa is what the LTTE is to the Wanni. The only difference - the Government is waging a war to deny the LTTE that power and influence. At the same time, the same Government is waging a different war to protect and allow the TMVP to continue to do what it is doing, both good and bad, some with vigour and some with impunity. In essence, one-armed group has replaced another though the metamorphosis has taken it through legal and democratic gateways.
And now, a Provincial Council election, set for May 10, will determine whether the new process in the East will take a turn for the worse or call a halt for good. The turn for the worse will be if the ruling United People's Freedom Alliance, its ally the TMVP and now renegade Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) top runger M.L.A.M. Hisbullah, win the mandate of voters in the East - the districts of Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara.
It will be a different story if the alliance between the main opposition United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) have their way. There is no doubt they will provide the UPFA-TMVP formidable opposition and that fact has caused considerable concern at the highest levels of the ruling leadership.
In a climate where everything that moves or speaks is a suspect, how the Opposition alliance came to be born is interesting. They believe both Opposition and UNP leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe as well as SLMC leader, Rauff Hakeem, had a string of meetings with India's High Commissioner Alok Prasad. It was only thereafter that Wickremesinghe had flown to New Delhi to attend a wedding reception of family friends after which he conferred with Indian Foreign Secretary Shiv Shanker Menon. Thus goes the theory that the new alliance had the 'blessings' of India.
In the light of a 'New Delhi hand behind the bush', the ruling leadership even considered whether the polls should be called off. Such a postponement would have been put on security grounds. However, saner counsel prevailed. And behind the scenes, a string of measures are under way to deny the opposition any opportunity of winning the Eastern Provincial polls. One of the prime movers behind the exercise is Basil Rajapaksa, senior Advisor to the President and the man who is personally spearheading development programmes in the East.
It was Basil Rajapaksa who was able to win over Hisbullah, a one-time Mangala Samaraweera protégé. Ranil Wickremasinghe was one of the first to learn of Hisbullah's cross-over to the Government. On his return from India on Sunday, Wickremesinghe had told Hakeem of the impending move by Hisbullah, who was being considered as a possible Chief Minister by the UNP-SLMC Alliance.
On Tuesday, the UNP and the SLMC leadership huddled for talks. The two sides were negotiating how to set about with a joint campaign. The UNP's Tamil representatives of the Eastern Province were demanding that the party have its own Chief Minister nominee and that if it is to be a Muslim, then it should go to Naushad Majeed of the UNP and no one else.
As the discussions were in progress, news came in that Hisbullah had gone across to the Government. This infuriated the SLMC leadership. They then adjourned and decided to meet at 10.30 that night. The SLMC immediately went into a crisis meeting and they were not ready to meet the UNP that night. It was only the next day that the SLMC emerged with their strategy - for Hakeem, Basheer Cegu Dawood and Hassan Ali - all Members of Parliament - to resign their seats in parliament and contest the Provincial Council elections. It was a strong response from the SLMC aimed at sending, in their way, a stinging message to the Government for having poached their members.
When the SLMC leadership met the UNP, they announced their decision and asked that the trio be permitted to lead the respective Districts, Hakeem (Trincomalee), Cegu Dawood (Batticaloa) and Ali (Ampara) in the Alliance. Wickremesinghe was to ask Hakeem if he was sure of the decision, and the risk involved. The UNP Tamils protested at the demand to make the Muslim Congress trio the District leaders, but Wickremesinghe was able to explain to them the wider interest in allowing this. He said that after-all, the SLMC leaders had sacrificed their parliamentary seats for this.
The UNP-SLMC Alliance then agreed that the two parties will campaign separately, the SLMC in the Muslim villages and the UNP in the Tamil villages. The UNP has also put forward some former MPs Sinnamaru, Sinna Thowfeek, Sunil Shantha Ranaweera etc., to Trincomalee, Galappati and Daya Gamage for Ampara, Arasaratnam Sashidharan to Batticaloa.
Fuelling speculation over the edge (some say it is more than an edge) the opposition alliance has is the belief that the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) would 'unofficially' back them. Officially, the TNA has declared that "it should not compromise on its fundamental political principles and be seen as being a participant in an electoral process, the objective of which is diametrically opposed to such fundamental principles and a reversal of what the Tamil people have stood for, during more than the past half a century."
In a three-page statement the TNA (which goes as Tamil Arasu Kadchchi) said "No other Government since independence has inflicted such immense harm on the Tamil people as this Government has done in the past two years. The Tamil-speaking people should not fall into the dangerous trap that is being laid to bring about their downfall in their areas of historical habitation. This is an election at which through the visible or invisible fire and muscle power of the TMVP and Government armed forces, President Rajapaksa hopes to implement his insidious political agenda."
On Thursday, nominations for the Provincial Council Elections for the East were trouble free in the districts of Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara. In Batticaloa, 14 registered political parties handed over nominations. Four of them rejected were Muslim Liberation Front (MLF), Eelam People's United Front (EPUF), United National Alliance (UNA) and the Tamil United National Front (comprising TULF, PLOTE, EPRLF - Sitharthan Group, the LSSP and the Communist Party. Nineteen independent groups are also contesting.
In the Batticaloa Distrcit 14 political parties handed in nominations. One of them was a purported political wing of the LTTE calling itself Viduthalai Pulikal Makkal Munnani (Liberation Tigers People's Front or LTPF). The LTTE, however, denied it had entered the fray. The Sunday Times learnt that the group that is fronting as LTPF has the backing of an influential section of the Government.
One of the reasons for their move is to create the impression that the LTTE too had embraced the political process and was entering the democratic process through the EP polls. Sixteen independent groups are also contesting. In the Ampara district too, 14 political parties submitted nominations. However, three were rejected. Also contesting are 26 different independent groups.
Down in Kataragama, Opposition Leader Wickremesinghe was breaking coconuts, while in Colombo and elsewhere, his party organisers and followers were breaking pots and pans. The Opposition seems to feel that the Eastern Province elections will be the turning point to the Government's popularity in the country. Something like the Provincial Councils victory of the Southern Province in March 1994 was the turning point for the then almost invincible UNP Government.
http://www.sundaytimes.lk/080406/Columns/political.html
Sunday, January 27, 2008
Pressure mounts on LTTE: Tell the truth now
- Guerrillas creating panic in the south to divert troops from three-pronged attack
 |
| Army’s Unicorn armour plated vehicles on patrol in the village of Kalawelgoda near Tanamalwila. Photo: Saman Kariyawasam |
The truth, they say, is the first casualty of war. In more than two decades of the separatist war in Sri Lanka, this axiom has been proved right many a time. If one were to add up the casualty figures put out by Government officials since inception, it would have wiped out the population of Jaffna twice over. There would be no one left. On the other hand, if all the casualty figures for the Security Forces, given by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) are added up, a sizeable segment of the Security Forces would have been wiped out. That is not true either.
However, in the dissemination of information on the Government side, there has been a rapid transformation. At first the military fought the war and the Department of Information disseminated the information to the media, both local and foreign. At one time, under former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, the Department of Information undertook this role jointly with the military. Yet, Information Department officials remained the main link with the media.
However, today the task is being handled almost entirely by the military that is also fighting the war. This is amidst cries by powerful sections of the officialdom to clamp down a censorship. That, no doubt, would prevent reportage of facts or comment considered unfavourable to the Government, the defence and the security establishments. There have been no major changes in the LTTE approach barring greater sophistication. The only exception is that they have fine-tuned their overseas propaganda operations over the years. It has even been made a tool for fund raising.
CDs and booklets with colour photos of battles in the North are being sold in some world capitals. Satellite TV channels that report on incidents use video footage from the battlefield made available by the guerrillas. There are Sri Lanka diplomatic missions in the same capitals but successive governments have failed to match or counter that propaganda.
Last Tuesday, none other than President Mahinda Rajapaksa, acknowledged that the guerrillas were ahead in their propaganda activities abroad. They were only carrying out a campaign of misinformation, he said, pointing out that some of the foreign media "fell for their lies.” Amal Jayasinghe, Agence France Presse (AFP) Bureau Chief in Colombo and BBC's Correspondent Roland Buerke raised issue about media visits to the theatres of conflict. That, no doubt, was to report first hand what they see and hear. That would give Sri Lankans and the world outside a fuller picture instead of only the military’s or the government’s view. If there were errors or deliberate distortions, the Government could thus correct them or punish those concerned through the due process of the law. This is instead of simply branding all of them as LTTE sympathisers or traitors.
 |
| A photograph of LTTE leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran, posted on the Tamil web site Sangakathi. It appeared before last Wednesday's aerial attack by the Air Force on the "X-ray base". In this super-imposed photo, Prabhakaran holds an assault rifle. It is mounted with a silencer (and a grenade launcher) which suggests the picture was taken whilst at firing practice in an open area. In the background is a 152 mm artillery gun. |
At present the media have to depend largely on the reportage of the Media Centre for National Security (MCNS). This is how media that generate their own reports, often not in line with those put out by the MCNS, earn the ire of some officials both in and out of uniform. This is why the same officials want severe restrictions placed on the media although they claim that the people no longer believe the private media, particularly two Sunday English newspapers. The President undertook to go into the matter but noted that sometimes reports filed after such visits by the media had helped the guerrillas. At present both local and foreign media are not allowed into battle areas except on arranged visits.
It is in this backdrop that a propaganda war erupted this week. This was over reports that the LTTE leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran, had been killed after an air raid on a guerrilla base in the Wanni jungles on Wednesday morning. He was once reported killed after the devastating tsunami in 2004. Last December, there were reports that he was injured (in November) in a bombing raid. Reports later claimed that he had succumbed to his injuries. Other reports even spoke of his trying to travel clandestinely to either India or Dubai for treatment. In one instance, an intelligence officer in a Sri Lanka diplomatic mission in Asia was told to keep checks on hospitals in that capital. That was to ascertain whether the LTTE leader would be admitted for treatment.
However, this week's report, given credence locally by some state media outlets making veiled references, generated more interest and even more euphoria. Crackers were lit in some parts of the country. Kiribath was served in some houses. Middle level officers in the Security Forces gathered at some of the City's bars and restaurants to have a drink and heave a sigh of relief that the man behind a terror campaign was no more.
Sri Lankans abroad kept calling friends and relatives. Theories and accounts about how it happened were aplenty. One account, spoken in official quarters, said three doctors had come across the Palk Straits from India to treat Mr. Prabhakaran at a medical facility located in the "X Ray base" at Ambalahamam in the jungles east of the Iranamadu irrigation tank. Last month's reports of his injury gained credence and was reported by some foreign media. Most coverage was in India with television giving greater prominence. This time, however, there was hardly any mention.
In Colombo reports circulated that shops in Kilinochchi town had closed. There were also reports that the Tiger guerrillas had shut down all communication links and banned the use of satellite telephones. All these were to lead to media frenzy. Though some were sceptical, they still wanted the reports checked. After all, the LTTE Political Wing leader S.P. Thamilselvan, was killed during an air raid in Kilinochchi. Hence, they believed there could be a possibility. Enhancing suspicions were claims that the pro-LTTE website Tamilnet had not been updated the whole of Wednesday. It suggested that they were too busy with the incident involving the LTTE leader. Though no stories had been posted from the previous afternoon, by Wednesday afternoon stories had in fact been updated.
By Wednesday evening, reports circulating both in Sri Lanka and abroad were too much for the LTTE to remain silent. Their military spokesman Rasiah Ilantheriyan declared that reports of Air Force hitting a location where Mr. Prabhakaran was present was "false propaganda." He claimed that the Air Force had targeted civilian settlements in Vaddakkachchi twice between 11.10 a.m. and 11.35 a.m. and in the evening between 5.15 and 6.00.
On Thursday, the Peace Secretariat of the LTTE put out a press release that told a different story. It contradicted Mr. Ilantheriyen's claim that civilian settlements were bombed. This is what that press release said:
"In three separate sorties spread over 20 hours, Sri Lankan Air Force carried out extensive bombing over Ambalahamam forest area in Kilinochchi destroying vast extent of forests. "At 11.30 a.m. and 5.20 p.m. on Wednesday and again at 6.45 a.m. on Thursday Sri Lankan Air Force dropped more than 16 bombs over the Ambalahamam forest area damaging around ten hectares of forest land.
"The Forest Protection Division of the LTTE has undertaken extensive forest replanting in recent times. These young plants as well as many old forest plants were destroyed in this mindless bombing of the Sri Lankan military.
"Speculation is strife ( Note: this is a reference to the word "rife") among Kilinochchi residents about the rationale behind the bombing of the forest areas which only results in the destruction of the environment."
On both Wednesday and Thursday, some senior members of the LTTE stuck to their Peace Secretariat version. They maintained in conversations with Colombo-based Tamil media that the attacks were on a jungle patch. Thus, there were no curbs placed on communications. Former LTTE "Police Chief" and now head of their Peace Secretariat P.Nadesan told one of them "they have only bombed a jungle killing wild animals. We will have to check how many deer have died." S. Prabagaran (Pulithevan), "Secretary General" of the same Secretariat claimed that reports of a base being hit were only Government propaganda. "No such thing happened," he declared.
There was panic in Kilinochchi town last Wednesday morning and shops did close. Some schools were also forced to close. The reason, however, was different. That early morning six Air Force bombers had taken to the air from their base in Katunayake. Three MiG-27 ground attack aircraft were armed with (ST4B) rocket bombs. Kfir multi role combat aircraft were loaded with a 1,000 kilogramme bomb under its fuselage and two 250 kg bombs in the wings. The pilots were brave enough to fly low despite the threat of anti aircraft gunfire from the guerrillas.
They carried out attacks on the "X-ray Base" after confirmed intelligence reports said the area was a secluded one. It was located within the LTTE's so-called high security zone that encompassed their airstrip northeast of the Iranamadu irrigation tank. Only selected guerrilla cadres had been allowed access to this base. Intelligence reports had spoken of Mr. Prabhakaran visiting that base, where a medical centre existed, to obtain treatment whenever required.
The Sunday Times has learnt from Air Force sources that the bombing was accurate and the base was completely destroyed. "The pilots were bold to take a risk to swoop low to drop the lethal bombs," a high ranking source said. Subsequent aerial surveillance of the area, the source said, had shown extensive damage. Independent confirmation of the reports came from intelligence channels.
These reports confirmed that Mr. Prabhakaran was nowhere near the vicinity of the "X-ray Base" when the raids were conducted. However, among 15 guerrillas killed were four senior leaders but their identities are not known. Intelligence officials say the guerrillas were maintaining radio silence with no references being made to the raid on the base or on the resultant developments. Adding to the mystery is said to be the road block the guerrillas had placed at the 155th mile post on the Vavuniya - Jaffna (A-9) highway. A turn to the right at a junction here is said to be the land route that leads to an area closest to the destroyed base. Reports have said that both civilians and even guerrilla cadres were being forbidden from travelling along that road.
Since Wednesday's bombing by a larger fleet of Air Force bombers, air raids on rebel positions have continued daily. Military officials say the move would add more pressure on the guerrillas as troops are engaging them on three different fronts in the Wanni - in the general area north of Mannar, along the coast north of the Weli Oya sector and south of the defended localities at Muhamalai, the gateway to Government-held Jaffna peninsula.
Troops continued their advance north of Mannar. Army officials believe they would soon encompass the Madhu Church area. An advancing column, east of the church, is reported to be within three and half kilometres. "It is a matter of time before we link up," a senior Army officer in Mannar said. Direct confrontations are rare but troops had to encounter a large volume of Improvised Explosive Devices (IEDs) and shrapnel from mortar fire, he said.
As reported earlier, some of the guerrilla strength has been withdrawn to fortify the Sea Tiger base that lay further north of Mannar at Vidutaltivu. Further importance of this base, it has come to light, is the evacuation of selected casualties across the Gulf of Mannar to Tamil Nadu. In the light of this, intelligence sources say, the guerrillas are intent on defending this coastal base. The military campaign to take control of the Madhu church area began in July, last year. This week has seen some pitched battles near Adampan.
Troops engaged guerrilla defensive positions across their defended localities at Nager Kovil. It is located near the coast on the eastern edge of the defence lines at Muhamalai. There has been heavy fighting in the area with guerrillas offering fierce resistance. In the thrust north of the Weli Oya sector, more troops have joined in. They were moving northwards. On Friday, two soldiers were reported missing in action. Earlier, three were reported missing and troops recovered the bodies of two.
Further details of the three-pronged thrust in the Wanni, including casualties, as I have repeatedly pointed out in the past weeks, are difficult. This is due to serious constraints.
In the wake of the thrust into the Wanni, the defence and security establishments are enhancing security measures in areas considered vulnerable. Priority consideration is being given to the Deep South as well as the City of Colombo. This is in the wake of warnings of further attacks.
In the aftermath of the incidents near Buttala that left 42 civilians killed in just two days, there were more. Last Tuesday, the guerrillas shot dead a Sub Inspector and two police officers at a police post at Kitulkotte, Alimankada. It is located on the road between Tanamalwila and Kuda Oya in the Moneragala district. Police believe the trio were killed when the guerrillas sniped at them. There has been no close quarter gunfire.
The next day (Wednesday) a combined Army commandos and Police team conducted a search in the jungle some two kilometres away from the Police post. Police dog Brown Raja had picked up the scent from the fallen cap of a fleeing guerrilla. It lay on the ground. When the search party followed the dog, they encountered gunfire injuring two Army commandos. Some four hours later the search operation was called off.
The guerrilla firing forced Brown Raja to flee the area. Handlers were pleased when the sniffer dog returned three hours later. In the village of Ambanwela in Tanamalwila some 4,000 Police, Army, Home Guards and Grama Arakshakas were conducting a search for the guerrilla group. Joining them were 400 civilians who have been issued shot guns so far. More are to be given. Police said attendance in schools in the area had dropped. In some areas the villagers were spending the nights in groups at temples. Others were not visiting their Chenas to cultivate for fear of guerrilla attacks.
President Rajapaksa early this week visited the homes of the bereaved families of the massacre that left 27 killed near Okkampitiya. He had wanted to attend funerals in the area but was compelled to call it off following advice from his security staff. Some of the villagers asked President Rajapaksa when "the war" would end - a query that underscored the serious concerns caused by the recent attacks.
In the City of Colombo, additional police strength has been deployed to ensure security. More are joining in to ensure nothing untoward happens during the 60th Independence Day celebrations on February 4. At a time when the Government has embarked on enforcing the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, as a political solution to the ethnic conflict, the fighting both in the North, the East and now the South assumes greater significance.
In the North, the offensives in the form of military thrusts into the guerrilla dominated Wanni. are to weaken the guerrillas militarily. It is much the same as in the East where they were ousted to regain control. Thus, claims that the ongoing military offensives are not to gain territory is misleading and illogical. The troops are advancing into territory in the Wanni dominated by the guerrillas. Though they are meeting resistance, their aim is to overcome it and move further.
When they do this, they will end up re-capturing territory. It is their attacks that seek to militarily weaken the guerrillas. Both are equally important to the military. These two factors will have to be accomplished if, as the Government claims, they would end "terrorism" before the end of this year. Now that local polls are to be held in the East in March, signs that the guerrillas will want to disrupt it are emerging. An SLFP-TMVP candidate, Sangaradas Sivadas, was kidnapped on Friday night by suspected Tiger guerrillas.
In the South, the guerrillas triggered off violence to set off panic and to force the Security Forces and the Police to thin out. Thus, other areas including the City of Colombo become vulnerable as the pressure mounts on the guerrillas. The more the public are kept informed about the true situation, the better would be their understanding and the co-operation they would extend.
http://www.sundaytimes.lk/080127/Columns/sitreport.html
Thursday, January 17, 2008
Buttala butchery
27 killed in Claymore attack on civilian bus
By Yohan Perera, Senaka De Silva
and Sumanasiri Gunathilleke
Hours before the formal ending of the Ceasefire Agreement, suspected LTTE cadres exploded a powerful claymore mine targeting a crowded bus at Buttala, Moneragala yesterday morning killing at least 27 civilians and injuring 63 others while another five civilians were shot dead by the LTTE a few kilometres away from the blast, the military said.
Two hours later another Claymore mine exploded at Galge along the Buttala-Kataragama road targeting an Army truck, injuring four soldiers.
“The terrorists have exploded a claymore mine targeting the bus and subsequently opened fire at the survivors and later killed one farmer a few kilometres away from the blast,” Military spokesman Udaya Nanayakara said.
He said the bus was carrying some 80 passengers from Niyadella to Buttala and most of them were heading for the weekly fair in Moneragala.
He said that initial investigations revealed that the claymore had been fixed to a tree and among the dead were 13 men, 13 women and one child. Around 22 dead were later identified by their relatives.
According to a senior police official in the Moneragala district, several school children and an infant were among the injured. Those who were injured were rushed to Okkampitiya, Moneragala and Buttala hospitals.
Moneragala Hospital acting Director Janaka Prasad said that over 45 blast victims were admitted to the hospital last morning. Several injured persons were subjected to surgery, according to Dr. Prasad. A team of doctors were also flown in following a directive from President Mahinda Rajapaksa, within minutes of the blast.
Meanwhile, the Defence Ministry said that LTTE terrorists had attacked a group of poor farmers engaged in chena cultivation in the Dambeyaya area in Okkampitiya, Moneragala yesterday morning. According to one survivor, four more farmers had been shot by the group of terrorists who stormed the chena in the morning.
Quoting police, the ministry said police had found a farmer killed and three injured in the attack. Another civilian who accompanied the police to the location had suffered serious injuries when he had trod on an anti-personnel mine. The injured have been admitted to the Moneragala hospital.
Defence sources said that the same group of terrorists who had attacked the civilian bus was responsible for this attack.
In another development, suspected LTTE cadres detonated a second claymore mine targeting an army truck at Dambakote - Galge, on the Buttala - Kataragama road two hours after the Moneregala blast, the Army said. According to defence sources, four soldiers suffered injuries in the explosion. The injured have been taken to the Hambantota hospital.
Brig. Nanayakara said additional Army personnel were rushed to the area after the blast. Three police teams were deployed by the police. Brig. Nanayakara said there was a shortage of O-Positive and O-Negative blood in the hospitals and called upon the people in the area to donate blood for the victims.
Resettlement and Disaster Relief Minister Rishad Bathiudeen said that Government has decided to pay Rs. 100,000 to the next of kin of each person killed in the Buttala incident and Rs. 50,000 per person who is injured.
“Initially as an immediate relief measure, Rs. 25,000 each will be paid to the next of kin of an unmarried person killed and Rs. 50,000 to the next of kin of a married person killed due to the blast. In addition to these payments a sum of Rs 15,000 will be paid as funeral expenses to immediate family members and Rs. 10,000 for each person injured.